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But in-depth reporting is costly, so to continue this vital work, we have an ambitious goal to add 5, new members. We rely on readers like you to fund our journalism. Will you support our work and become a Vox Member today? Ecuador was known for peace, but it has become one of the most violent countries in South America. The following day, armed gang members stormed the TC Television news program, broadcasting their hostage-taking and violence live to make an announcement of their own. It was far from the only act of shocking violence the country has suffered this week. Prisons were taken over in violent riots , bombs were set off in multiple locations, and police and prison guards were kidnapped and murdered. At least 10 people were killed in gang attacks, including police, and over a hundred prison staff were taken hostage. While there are factors that accelerated a spike in crime over the last couple of years, experts say this is a story nearly a decade in the making. Sandwiched between the two, Ecuador often acted as a drug transit country, but it did not suffer from the violence and armed conflict that plagued its neighbors. Then in , the FARC largely demobilized — a historic peace process for Colombia, but also one that created a power vacuum in northern Ecuador. Simultaneously, cocaine demand started shifting drastically, declining in the US and surging in Europe, where since cocaine seizures have quadrupled, according to Freeman. This has all had terrifying effects for the country. For years, Ecuador had one of the lowest murder rates in the region, but homicides have more than quadrupled since Bombings, assassinations, and shootouts have proliferated. In , when headless corpses were found suspended from a bridge in the city of Esmeraldas, some analysts concluded that the kind of cartel violence that terrorized Mexican cities like Juarez in the s had found a new home in Ecuador. Last year, a presidential candidate, who had reportedly received threats from the local affiliates of the Sinaloa cartel , was assassinated. While former President Guillermo Lasso attempted to crack down on gangs , increasing police presence and even deploying the military failed to contain the violence. Experts and former local officials say that not only has the government failed to curtail the violence, it may be abetting it as well. Bukele was elected in promising to end the gang violence epidemic that contributed to El Salvador once having the highest murder rate in the world; he has largely done so via a campaign of mass arrests that has made him domestically popular even as it has been criticized for widespread human rights abuse. Ecuador has already been transformed. Experts say Ecuador needs to first address the systemic corruption and infiltration of state institutions that have allowed gangs to amass their power. And really, Walsh says, a new regional approach that addresses the international nature of narcotrafficking is needed to ensure Ecuador does not continue down the path of spiraling violence that has destabilized its neighbors — including rethinking drug prohibition altogether. Understand the world with a daily explainer plus the most compelling stories of the day. Will he take it? What the author saw in Palestine. Looking to understand the Israel-Hamas war? Start with these Vox podcast episodes. The acclaimed writer takes on another intractable problem. Skip to main content The homepage Vox Vox logo. The homepage Vox Vox logo. Navigation Drawer. Become a Member. Vox Vox logo Cocaine, cartels, and corruption: The crisis in Ecuador, explained. Support Vox. Cocaine, cartels, and corruption: The crisis in Ecuador, explained Ecuador was known for peace, but it has become one of the most violent countries in South America. Facebook Link. He previously worked as a senior Latin America and Caribbean analyst covering the region and has reported on civil conflict and politics from Central America. Can Ecuador reverse course? Most Popular. The new burnout generation. Member Exclusive. Today, Explained Understand the world with a daily explainer plus the most compelling stories of the day. Email required. By submitting your email, you agree to our Terms and Privacy Notice. Advertiser Content From. More in World Politics. Why not? What happens next? Ta-Nehisi Coates on complexity, clarity, and truth. Vox podcasts tackle the Israel-Hamas war. Is the Israeli military ever leaving Gaza? Israel Oct By Ellen Ioanes. World Politics Oct By Joshua Keating. The Gray Area Oct By Sean Illing. Podcasts Oct 7. By Vox Staff. World Politics Oct 7. Culture Oct 6 Member Exclusive. By Constance Grady. The Latest. Investing can be intimidating. Where do I even start? The big political shift that explains the election. Oct I left my religion. Should I still raise my kid with it?
According to the U.S. State Department, metric tons of cocaine pass through Ecuador every year. Much of that makes its way through.
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Jump to navigation. Four massacres in three different supermax penitentiaries took the lives of over inmates in Cuenca, Latacunga, and Guayaquil. Forensic reports revealed dozens of beheadings and hundreds of mutilated bodies. After the riots, body parts and corpses were found scattered in hallways, courtyards, and cell blocks. The exact number of deaths was still unknown months after the mass killings. In the wake of these massacres, Ecuadorian human rights organizations have reported serious problems with the forensic human identification process, and journalists and scholars have decried the lack of official information and government accountability. Back in May , the government declared a crisis in the prison system, deployed military troops to maximum-security penitentiaries across the country, and replaced public servants with police personnel. Yet the official narrative characterizes these massacres as the result of a war between gangs working for Mexican cartels. According to the National Police, narco-organizations have taken control over Ecuadorian penitentiaries and are managing the drug business from behind bars. President Guillermo Lasso has also mobilized the gang war hypothesis to explain the latest surge in homicides and crime in large and medium-size cities, particularly in poor neighborhoods. The visual violence has been instrumental in advancing this narrative among the public. Gory mobile phone videos filmed by inmates during the massacres and circulated on social media showed gruesome scenes: a heart in the hands of a laughing prisoner, a beheaded body lying on top of a pile of burnt corpses, a stripped-naked inmate being murdered in a prison yard, and other disturbing images of cruelty and torture. Looking at the work of crime intelligence within Ecuadorian supermax prisons since helps complicate the official narrative, which is problematic at various levels. First, the cartel war theory puts the blame on prisoners and suggests narco-violence is exterior to Ecuador. Second, it neglects the multiple and diverse international crime networks coordinating cocaine smuggling routes. Third, it hides the prominent role of state agencies in reorganizing local cocaine markets. This exchange of crime intelligence for prison privileges grew into a feedback loop between the formation of prison gangs and the metrics of police success, specifically the number of cocaine seizures. I focus on Ecuadorian cocaine markets because, according to official numbers given to the press, cocaine hydrochloride represents Heroine interdiction only accounts for 0. E cuador did not have supermax prisons before Now the country has three of them—precisely the prisons where the killings happened. Until , the relocation of prisoners from one detention center to another was subjected to intense dialogues between inmates and prison wardens. The widespread commodification of prison space had the blessing of authorities through unspoken forms of corruption, even if it meant an inability to classify incarcerated populations according to offense or imprisonment status. This unit was put in place with five low- and mid-rank officers, whose job was basically to recruit informants among inmate populations to keep prison violence under control and generate crime intelligence. The information they gathered was related mostly to anti-narcotics investigations and cocaine seizures. By , there were over 50 police officers working full-time on prison intelligence across the country. They did not receive any formal training and operated without a clear legal framework. The instant messaging application WhatsApp was the most common communication channel between intelligence operatives and prison informants. In addition to mobile phones, anti-narcotics intelligence transactions included concessions with regards to inmate transfers. These informants, often relatively powerful inmates, took advantage of such privileges to self-segregate into cell blocks and gain more power among inmates. When the massacres took place last year, all three supermax penitentiaries where they happened were organized around this concept of crime intelligence and a paradoxical logic of exchange that juxtaposed the interests of drug trafficking and anti-narcotics policing. The paradox lies in how, through intelligence operations, prison gangs help destroy the market in order to become relevant in the cocaine business, and simultaneously, the police allow the growth of organized crime within penitentiaries in order to dismantle the cocaine market. This became a ticking bomb that, by , wound up transferring the entire prison administration to the Ecuadorian National Police when President Lasso appointed a police general as chief director of the national prison management system at the end of last year. According to police officials, 80 percent of homicides in the country are related to disputes over cocaine commercialization, and most recently , connections have been made between cocaine seizures and violent clashes between drug trafficking groups inside and outside prisons. In alone, the country registered over 1, murders , similar to historic record-highs seen only in the most violent times in Ecuador. In police parlance, the term territory refers to a chaotic space yet to be regulated and controlled, a zone of abandonment and unrest. A prison, a neighborhood, a port, or a city can be seen as a territory or as part of a territory. Territory is a spatial conceptualization of security and surveillance in a country with a militarized and centralized police structure. Territory is also a way of imagining the cocaine market as an edge space. Police, and the state by implication, know that abstract notions like supply and demand make little sense in commercial territories declared illegal. Cocaine markets are made of unstable associations and temporal connections. As an exit hub for cocaine destined for the U. Cocaine is the main product of a market with an increasing variety of services attached to it. This is why empowering prison gangs in exchange for anti-narcotics intelligence is counterproductive. It just incentivizes the proliferation of new paid logistical services, such as secured storage, which is exactly what inmate-informants have told the police. Although using prison intelligence to seize cocaine shipments increases police success rates, it also pushes the market toward innovation and violence. The state can attempt to transform that territory, depopulate it, or even close it down, but it can never erase it from the economic map. Ecuador is a frontier space for cocaine commerce connected to a global market in the making. A prison intelligence approach to the cocaine business makes the market brutally violent and turns entire neighborhoods into carceral spaces governed by a predatory logic of interdiction. The culture of suspicion and revenge that we, as a society, are now forced to live in did not develop in a void. The government needs to recognize the role of the state in the production of extreme violence to reorient both its prison policy and drug strategy. At this moment, a major concern should be how to stop the exchange of crime intelligence and prison privileges between police and inmates. As an anthropologist, he has conducted ethnographic research on banking and finance in Southern Europe and prisons, cocaine markets, and the war on drugs in Latin America. He is the lead designer of the digital platform EthnoData. Like this article? Support our work. D onate now. Search form Search. 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Although using prison intelligence to seize cocaine shipments increases police success rates, it also pushes the market toward innovation and.
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