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Visiting a new destination always raises typical questions, here is a list of practical information covering everything from money exchange, to national holidays, driving, health and more. Find loads of top tips and local insights in our Chamonix Tourist guide. Opening times in Chamonix In addition to the times shown below, large department stores, as well as supermarkets and shops in tourist resorts may open outside these times, especially in the summer or in the winter for ski resorts! In general, pharmacies, banks and shops close on Sundays. Some will also open on Saturday morning. Driving regulations For more information about driving in France please see our Driving Guide. Safe water Tap water is generally safe though it can be heavily chlorinated. Mineral water is recommended as is cheap to buy and is sold as eau gazeuse carbonated and non gazeuse still. Remember to drink plenty of water during hot weather. Electricity in France The power supply in Chamonix is volts. Sockets accept two-round-pin style plugs, so an adaptor is needed for most non-continental appliances and a transformer for appliances operating on volts. Telephones in France Most public telephones do not take coins. A phonecard Telecarte can be purchased from post offices, tabacs and some supermarkets. Emergency calls can be placed without the use of coins or phonecard. If you want to dial a number within France from a land line, you do not need to use the international code before the rest of the number. For telephone operator dial from a landline - this is an automated service to place a call. In addition to this most cities and towns have their own Police Municipale who deal with petty crime, traffic offences and road accidents. If you need a police station ask for the ' gendarmerie ' and for police assistance just call '17' free from any call box or telephone. Health in France For further information please see our Health and Emergencies section. Drugs - Prescription and non-prescription drugs and medicines are available from pharmacies, distinguished by a large a green cross. They are able to dispense many drugs that would only be available on prescription in other countries. Medical Insurance - Nationals of EU and certain other countries can get medical treatment in France with the relevant documentation, although private medical insurance is still advised and is essential for all other visitors. Dental Services - Dental treatment is not usually available free of charge as all dentists practice privately. Dental treatment should be covered by private medical insurance. Toilet facilities Nowadays, the majority of public toilets are of the standard variety, though you might still come across an old-fashioned 'squat style' toilet. In some French towns and villages you can now find an automated, self-cleaning toilet which is both hygienic and practical. You put in your coins often a euro and push open the door. You have 15 minutes to do your business. After you close the door behind you, the robotic cleaning starts, with disinfectant spraying from all corners, brushing of the toilet seat and bowl and then a final blow dry. Other recommended places for a similar visit are: department stores, shopping malls, gas stations along the Autoroute, fast-food restaurants, and railway stations. Often, you will encounter an attendant who regularly cleans the toilets with a saucer for receiving your coins. While most toilets in these places have separate men and women facilities, they tend to be right next to each other with open entries and for the lucky woman a full view of urinals and the men using them only seen on the back! No embarrassment is evident, as there is none from the French male driver who seems to delight in stopping his car alongside the road and taking a pee just a step away from his vehicle. You don't see French women squatting alongside the road. Then again, perhaps the dearth of Turkish toilets may have resulted in a lack of female proficiency. Particularly during these months you should avoid the midday sun and use a strong sunblock. Rules for swimming pools in France A swimming pool at your disposal during your stay in Chamonix is on many visitors' wish list. With the hot summers, it's a delight to take a dive into the sparkling waters. The dark side of such pleasure is the annual statistic of accidental drowning average of 47 deaths per year in France and non-fatal accidents , particularly of children under 6 22 deaths per year and 33 non-fatal. In , the French parliament passed a law, which came into effect on January 1, , for properties that are rented, and for properties that are not rented out. So if your holiday rental gives you access to a pool, you should expect a gated pool. This applies to private homes, as well as hotels, camping grounds, gites, or any other place that receives paying guests. Note that if there's an accident and there is no gate, the insurance companies here in France do not cover. Further information and advice in France You should not reveal any personal information about yourself, such as your address, credit card details, telephone number, on the Internet or via email unless you are certain that it is safe to do so and that any confidential or private information you share over the internet is sent by secure encryption means. It is always your responsibility to ensure full compliance with any passport, visa, and inoculation requirements as governed either by your country of residence or by those you will be travelling to. Be advised that various consumer protection schemes and laws relating to travel and tourism companies exist for your financial protection and that it is in your interests to be aware of such schemes. Any activity in the mountains can be considered a dangerous activity. We advise you to make yourselves fully aware of such potential dangers and the likeliness of their occurrence in your case. Such dangers include: venturing beyond your own capabilities or those of the group you are in the company of; ignoring safety warnings and advice made available locally or through television, newspapers or via the Internet, with regards avalanches, piste closures, rock falls, landslides and high water levels; venturing off-piste or to areas of uncertainty without a qualified guide or advice from local experts; improper preparation, fitness, and provision of equipment and protection from the elements. You should always ensure that you have obtained sufficient insurance cover, either via your own policy or through that of any event organiser or operator, appropriate to the activities you will be participating in and you should carry details of this on you at all times. Tourist offices in Chamonix. Discover the Chamonix tourist offices Visiting a new destination always raises typical questions, here is a list of practical information covering everything from money exchange, to national holidays, driving, health and more. Show map. Practical Information in France Visiting a new destination always raises typical questions, here is a list of practical information covering everything from money exchange, to national holidays, driving, health and more. Shops: 9. Speed limits on: motorways autoroute kph; dual carriageways 90kph; minor roads 90kph; urban roads 50kph Seat belts: Must be worn in front seats at all times and in rear seats where fitted Drink driving: Random breath-testing exist any time of the day and especially at night. Limits are as follows - 50mg of alcohol in ml of breath, for your own safety as well as others. Two breath tests must be carried in the car. Fuel petrol - essence is available in different grades - unleaded Sans plomb , and diesel gazole. Petrol stations are normally open , closed Sundays, though larger ones that are often self-service are open 24 hours. Most take credit cards. Note there are fewer petrol stations in the mountain areas. To help prevent crime: Do not carry more cash than you need Do not leave valuables on beach or poolside Beware of pickpockets in markets, tourist sights or crowded places Avoid walking alone at night Health in France For further information please see our Health and Emergencies section.

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You have full access to this open access article. Criminological research on archaeological looting in Italy, however, is scarce. This research focused on the nature of the relationship between tombaroli and organized crime groups in Italy: a misrepresented relationship, as some media outlets depict looters as involved with organized crime. This research project drew on a multidisciplinary body of literature on Italian archaeological looting and interviews with looters, law enforcement officials, archeologists, prosecutors, and journalists, among others. It demonstrated that Italian archaeological looting is not a problem of organized crime. The study concluded that, presently, the relationship between looters and traditional Italian criminal organizations is anecdotal at best, nor currently looters could be considered organized criminals but rather criminals that need a certain level of organization to operate. Years ago, an Italian weekly news outlet headlined on its website a non-dated piece of news stating that the Camorra, the famous Italian organized crime group, was involved in trafficking archaeological heritage. The brief piece of news, consisting of only one paragraph, shockingly never referred again to the Camorra in-text. The operation was not only important because of its magnitude, but also because law enforcement seized no less than archaeological items. The investigated were mostly looters tombaroli in Italian and buyers In Primapagina, n. The present research dealt with the problem of illicitly excavated antiquities, where archaeological heritage ends in a gray market while in the process the destruction of scientific evidence occurs. Because of the danger to cultural heritage and archaeological sites produced by this crime and the illicit profits generated, it is essential to keep the facts straight to portray accurately this form of criminality. However, criminological literature regarding the source of looted archaeological objects in Italy is still scarce, limited, and filled with gaps, one of them being the linkage of looters to traditional organized crime. Existing literature is mostly descriptive, lacking in explanatory or exploratory research Balcells , More specifically, this research focused on the initial phase of the journey undertaken by antiquities into their correspondent illicit market: looting, defined as the extraction of an antiquity at an archaeological site with total disregard to proper archaeological methods of extraction and recording. Therefore, what originally was an archaeological artifact turns into loot, then contraband, a commodity and finally an artistic object to collect Mackenzie et al. The research revolved around Italy, considered a vast open-air museum, and one of the most paradigmatic cases of source countries both in the licit art market but, sadly, in the gray market of illicit antiquities. With these premises in mind, the objective of this article was to assess the nature of the relationship between Italian tomb raiders and organized crime groups. More specifically, the article assesses the nature of the relationship between tombaroli and traditional Italian organized crime groups; the traits that tombaroli share with organized crime; and finally, about the forms of organizational structure that tombaroli use. As it will be further developed later, the obtained results demonstrated that Italian archaeological looting is not a problem of organized crime. Extant literature on the relationship of Italian organized crime groups with archaeological looters is, to say the least, highly contradictory. Journalists and archaeologists have attempted to pinpoint an interest in Italian organized crime groups into archaeological looting: most of them pointed towards the South, and more specifically, to the involvement of the Sicilian Cosa Nostra. These articles range from alleging a clear involvement with the Italian mafia to indicating only partial cooperation, such as sharing the profits of trafficked archaeological goods, as stated by archaeologist Thoden van Velzen Hamblin , an American journalist visiting Italy, gave an example of this clear involvement of the Italian mafia in the activities of tombaroli in , where mafiosi supervised looters at an excavation in Selinunte. Journalists Stille and Lattanzi claimed that tombaroli could work during the day because they had the protection of organized crime groups. In the north of the country, Perticarari , a looter himself, denied the existence of organized crime, yet at the same time, did not deny the involvement of organized crime in the South. Operators within the Italian criminal justice system have contradictory points of view. Melillo , Deputy National Antimafia Prosecutor, argued that all the traditional Italian criminal organizations have a vested interest in the illegal use of the archaeological sites located in the territories that they control. The prosecutor stated that there is a relationship with Italian mafia-type organizations, mostly in three tasks: the control of zones; the facilitation of related services; and the laundering of profits from other criminal activities via the underground trade of works of art and archaeological pieces. Iannizzotto , a police officer, took a similar perspective in his work, by highlighting the undervalued and little-known phenomenon of the vested interest of organized crime groups in cultural heritage. Pastore , another police officer within the Carabinieri, referred to the existence of criminal organizations and gangs which study and survey archaeological sites. Finally, Luigi Lombardo cited by Stille, , an Italian examining magistrate, confirmed a clear involvement of Mafia-type organizations in the operations of tomb raiders. Nistri , on the other hand, referred to networks whose task is to handle the numerous changes that take place from the time of the theft to the time the objects reach the final users. The lack of agreement regarding the relationship between tombaroli and organized crime groups is also perceptible in the broader debate about organized crime permeating the illicit antiquities trade: a debate marred by the paucity of comprehensive and reliable information on this sort of crimes Proulx The main problem has been the definition of organized crime, as many authors stated: after all, talking about organized crime involves referring to a multilayered social phenomenon, constructed in several ways and influenced by different factors Alder and Polk , ; Chappell and Polk ; Mackenzie , , a ; Proulx, ; Tijhuis Moreover, scholarly literature mostly states that the involvement of organized crime is not the prevalent dimension of this phenomenon see, for example, Alderman, ; Chappell ; Mackenzie b ; Tijhuis ; Visconti Historically speaking, some scholars have criticized quick assumptions, stating that organized crime has permeated the art market at least since the s Chappell and Polk Ferri refers to how during the s, there was a shift in the trafficking of cultural property from single offenders towards organized crime groups; the internationalization of markets and the liberalization of the trade helped boost this change. However, most of the accounts that have claimed some kind of involvement have rarely been substantiated. Some authors claimed that the relationship between organized crime and the art market is, to say the least, spurious. The structure of groups of tombaroli , which has an impact on both the conceptualization of what constitutes organized crime and how tombaroli learn as a group, is a topic rarely addressed in the literature. In twenty-one out of the forty-six articles reviewed by Balcells there was some reference regarding how tombaroli organize. The descriptions, however, are highly simple. What can certainly be assessed is that, beyond some cases where it is stated that the tomb raider works alone, we find that literature depicts tomb raiding as a group activity. Out of the forty-six studies reviewed, only twenty articles refer to some kind of organization, while twenty-six omit this information. Departing from scarce information available in the literature, this study attempted to answer what is the nature of the relationship between tombaroli and organized crime groups. Out of this general research question emerged three sub-questions. A second sub-question asked what traits tombaroli share with organized crime groups. Finally, the last research sub-question addressed what forms of organizational structure do tombaroli employ. This was a qualitative research based on a sample selected through a combination of purposive and snowball sampling procedures. There was an effort to include in the sample representatives of all groups who have a daily experience with the phenomenon of tombaroli. The sample can be seen as a multiple data set including the views of all major knowledgeable groups affected by looting, while at the same time retaining its focus on the activities of tombaroli. The central method of data collection was the qualitative interview with the above-mentioned interviewees. Most of the interviews involved interviewer and interviewee only, yet three interviews were conducted with two, three, and four interviewees simultaneously. Most of the interviews were recorded, after having read along with the interviewee the informed consent and having answered doubts they might have regarding their rights. However, some of the interviewees did not consent to being recorded, and then their responses were written down as the interview proceeded. The interviews ranged in length between one and two hours, but most of the interviews were approximately two hours long. All of them were conducted using Italian as the spoken language and transcribed verbatim in Italian. The interviews were semi-structured, occasionally departing from the questionnaire to explore areas that respondents saw as important, or to pursue lines of inquiry that seemed pertinent but were unanticipated. A content analysis of the data obtained in the interviews and several other supports was conducted. Instrumentally speaking, alphanumeric codes were assigned and identified in a color-coded chart Excel sheet that served as a data matrix and guided the created data matrix in three spreadsheets: one for the matrix, one for the codebook, and a final one for frequencies. Transcribed and coded quotations that were deemed important and relevant were cut and pasted into the data matrix. The goal was to articulate several themes that were linked together, either similarly or divergently, in a way that they could collectively analyze archaeological looting perpetrated by tombaroli in Italy nowadays and answer the research questions. The analysis followed the open, axial, and selective coding stages. In the open coding phase, data were organized under twenty-two codes. In the axial coding phase, these twenty-two codes were filed under five category headings, which seemed to best represent the common themes shared by groups of coded data. In the selective coding phase, the relationship with the axial codes was examined, so the connections between codes could be explained. A three-layered process was followed: a first layer involved the examination and comparison of threads and patterns within categories; a second layer involved the same work but this time across categories; finally, a third layer placed the information gathered with respect to prior research, thus comparing and contrasting issues raised in the previous chapter about the literature. All three layers were iteratively considered simultaneously while conducting the data analysis. Steps were taken to ensure the maximum strength of the validity of the obtained data: to begin with, interview data were situated within the existing literature on the issue of looting in Italy, which gave raw data context; also, data that interviewees gave was validated through other external sources. To obtain stronger data reliability, information was crosschecked, confirming that the original informant was not the source of the corroborated information. When assertions could not be verified, they were not included in the stage of data analysis. Efforts were made to locate evidence that built a code or a theme from different sources. This evidence was then used to triangulate information to provide validity in the findings. Rich data also has an impact on reliability, as procedures were documented to demonstrate how coding schemes and themes were used consistently. To do so, research diaries and memos provided an audit trail on the collection and analysis of data, chronicling the evolution of the research project, and documenting every rationale for possible choices made during the process. Many interviewed experts thought that even in archaeological areas that exist in provinces where important organized crime groups are rampant, there is little evidence that these groups are trafficking with archaeological items. This lack of interest is mostly because organized criminals are more prone to steal art than loot archaeological items, as it is easier to take well-known, valuable pieces instead of learning to find unknown pieces buried in unearthed tombs. Moreover, interviewed experts noted that economic reasons explain why traditional Italian organized crime groups do not engage in the looting of tombs: organized crime groups who are used to amassing large profits trafficking other illegal commodities cannot expect to achieve the same profits with archaeological items. After all, other commodities can be produced or obtained while archaeological items can be hard to find, are non-renewable, and are not valuable enough to justify this permanent involvement of organized crime groups. It is even rare to find this sort of trafficking combined with other smuggled goods. As stated, for these organized criminals to have access to archaeological items buried in tombs, they would either need the collaboration of tombaroli , or learn to do that task themselves. Data collected in this study did not find any solid evidence for either of these scenarios. Expert respondents claimed that the connection between drugs or other trafficked goods and trafficking of antiquities does not occur in Italy as in other countries in the world. For example, an interviewed prosecutor labeled the relationship between organized crime groups and tombaroli as very diluted; he further argued that this form of criminality cannot be compared to other criminal organizations that operate worldwide or even to established criminal organizations operating in Italy. In any case, the expert stated that the problem with tombaroli is entirely different from manifestations observed in Colombia or in Peru, where trafficking of antiquities is strongly linked to drug trafficking; in Italy, these ties do not exist Prosecutor 1. To conclude, Italian expert respondents conclude that they have not witnessed any possible specialization of organized crime groups regarding archaeological looting. In the north, there has always been a prevalent activity of tombaroli because of the high concentration of Etruscan necropolises. Respondents stated that there is no presence there of criminal organizations, nor the infiltration of organized crime groups from the south. According to these experts, in the north the involvement in looting is done occasionally at a small-scale and at a local level, as always happens in towns, nearby the necropolises where the pieces are. In fact, police officers denied that the situation in the South is out of control and in the hands of organized crime groups. By contrast, some documentary accounts, such as Hamblin or Stille , depicted entire teams of tombaroli working under the rule of a local Mafioso. However, these sources are outdated and do not seem to represent the reality of looting in the South nowadays thus having the effect of perpetuating the myth of mafia involvement , as police officers stated. According to these respondents, tombaroli in the south are the same as tombaroli in the North Police officers 4 and 5. As such, the involvement of organized crime groups in archaeological zones in the south is still unverified. A police officer stated that organized crime groups in the South have been found with looted archaeological items, yet these were anecdotal accounts involving individuals, not entire organizations. In his opinion, these criminal organizations do not have a specialized investment in looted antiquities Police officer 1. The only differentiating factor in the looting of archaeological heritage between the Italian north and south refers to the control of the territory by certain organized groups. Evidently, that land might be filled with archaeological riches, thus making the task of looters difficult, who need to confront these criminal organizations and pay fees. Finally, two archeologists stated how they had never found evidence of organized crime groups controlling territory in the north. They think that wherever there is a criminal organization controlling the land, it follows that there is at least a control of the archaeological looting that happens in the area perpetrated by its members Archaeologists 1 and 2. As there was no evidence of traditional Italian organized crime groups involved in the trafficking of looted antiquities, the next step was to assess whether tombaroli could fit the description of organized criminals. This definition is used as not only due to the significance of the UNCTOC which marks the first global treaty against organized crime but also because of the importance the UN has placed on protecting cultural heritage against different threats: for example, in the international organization hosted in Italy a conference devoted to the topic discussed in the present article and the final conclusions were threefold: first, the involvement of organized crime in the illicit antiquities trade depends on what we mean by this term; second, that it does not appear to involve the Mafia already seen ; and third, that there is not enough information to determine the precise role of organized crime Manacorda, Certainly, groups of looters are structured more on this issue in the next epigraph and are comprised of more than three participants. All respondents answered affirmatively. For example, a prosecutor stated how once he prosecuted a group of ten tombaroli Prosecutor 1 , while active archaeologists reported witnessing small groups of three individuals at most Archaeologists 3 and 4. These groups tend to use the same participants over time, even though members are free to join, quit, or rejoin as they please. If you were able to look at his seized documents, the same names appear: tombaroli , restorers, people trafficking the pieces out of Italy… they were always the same. Interviewed tombaroli gave interesting insights about the composition of their teams. All the participants also agreed upon the fact that tombaroli act for a prolonged or indefinite period. Tombaroli usually start at an early age strength is required for such a physically demanding task and stop when they no longer have the strength to keep going Perticarari; ; Tagliaferri and Rupi Paci One looter stated how he began in the s and finished excavating with his team ten years ago Looter 3. Another stated how he began when he was fifteen and stopped when he was fifty-seven Looter 5. Both their careers extended over five decades. Acting for a prolonged or indefinite period is vital due to the need to know the terrain where the illicit excavations will take place. However, one of the missing items in the UNCTOC definition is the commission of one or more serious crimes or offenses, described as those with a penalty attached of four years of incarceration or more. In fact, many respondents disregarded the presence of the third criterion. According to the Italian cultural heritage and landscape law, passed in , looting is punished in its article Most interviewees agreed that it is impossible for a tombarolo who is only charged with the crime of illicit digging to end up in prison because of the low penalty attached to this crime. Therefore, it is extremely rare to see a tombarolo behind bars. For example, interviewed tombaroli were asked whether they had been arrested and prosecuted, and what their punishment was. One was sentenced to fifteen months of jail for each of his two arrests, but both times his sentence was suspended Looter 5. Two of them were each sentenced to house arrest for a duration of six months, but their sentences were also suspended Looters 6 and 7. The oldest of all the tombaroli was fined, even though his lawyer appealed and later won the case, so the conviction was overturned. Another was never arrested for looting, but he had to demonstrate to police that the goods seized at his house were crafted by him. In the end, he was not convicted Looter 8. All the tombaroli stated that they did not know of any tombarolo serving time in prison, and tombaroli did not seem to worry about serving time in prison. In fact, paradoxically, as law enforcement becomes more aware of their activities, the law becomes softer on them. One prosecutor specifically complained that he cannot apply aggravating circumstances to this crime with the latest criminal code reform Prosecutor 1. The approval of the Cirielli law on December 5, , abolished some of the aggravating circumstances that could be used previously Isman The possibility of tombaroli ending up in prison exists. However, according to the legislative framework, going to prison can only happen when a tombarolo becomes a recidivist and has been arrested several times. After all, what happens? They serve a year, tops. It is a holiday for them. The last criterion refers to organized criminals obtaining, directly or indirectly, a financial or other material profit. Most respondents agreed that tombaroli are motivated solely by economic profit. In fact, all the tombaroli frankly admitted that they did it for money. No tombarolo works anymore as a full-time looter, understand? It is all people who have another job, and the profit obtained from looting tombs is used to round off a salary, or a bad season in agriculture, understand? That is why, as was seen in the first criterion, concerning collaboration between more than three people, it is normal that groups are not big, so that looters can be rewarded with bigger shares. Tombaroli are suppliers and if they cannot find clients, they look for middlemen and dealers to place their discoveries. Middlemen and dealers, however, only pay a small percentage of the total value of the piece to those tombaroli. In those instances, out of the total amount of money any given piece may produce, the big profit is not for the looter. For example, according to an investigative journalist, the dealer who sells the product to a wealthy client is the one who profits the most Journalist 2. In sum, only one of the items in the UNCTOC definition of organized crime is missing: the commission of one or more serious crime or offenses. As such, it precludes the labeling of tombaroli as organized criminals. It is important to highlight the problem of the weak punishments for this form of crime, even though law enforcement is actively attempting to curb this phenomenon. Because the penalties are so low, ordinary townspeople are not afraid of illicitly taking archaeological goods that belong to the state to sell them to their clients. Literature abounds with cases of freelance tombaroli. Two archaeologists defined the freelance organization when applied to tombaroli : it consists of small groups that are created to achieve a goal, which is unearthing a tomb that has valuable goods inside. Thus, a group of people progressively assembles to manage to find, unearth, and empty a tomb and to then sell its contents. Members keep entering and leaving teams as they need Archaeologists 1 and 4. The second most prevalent form of structuring the tombaroli teams was the familial structure. In many instances, the expert interviewees thought that groups of tombaroli were mostly composed of family members, so this structure, according to them, was also suited to define the reality of archaeological looting in Italy. Families are like schools of tombaroli , and the teams are composed of uncles, cousins, and brothers, and close acquaintances, too. These families are locally based, which implies that most of the inhabitants in rural areas know who excavates and who does not. In any case, these families cannot be compared to organized crime families, led by crime bosses. The communal structure was the third most designated by respondents. Although not all respondents thought that they had seen tombaroli operate following this structure, literature gives examples of this sort of structure. Treasure hunting is viewed as a legitimate, although potentially dangerous, profession. Finally, four respondents thought that in the South, the reality of looting adapted better to corporate structures, the least mentioned of the four structural categories. There is scant evidence of this structure, though, as the literature rarely describes it. All interviewed tombaroli , depending on the characteristics of their teams, identified with one form of structure. Some described their group as consisting of freelancers. Others stated they had family members in their teams; two of them linked their experiences to a communal structure. None of them, however, thought their task to be fit for a corporate structure. Some authors thought that there was no involvement Chappell and Polk , whereas others believed that there was Melillo ; Nistri But there is much anecdotal evidence in the literature suggesting that organized crime benefits from the looting and subsequent trafficking of Italian archaeological heritage. The confluence of the relative ease in looting archaeological heritage and the profit margins obtained when selling pieces to preeminent collectors boosts the idea of organized crime being involved in archaeological looting. However, international organizations tend to agree on the involvement of organized crime in trafficking cultural heritage. The UNCTOC Conference of parties claimed that trafficking in cultural property has links to organized crime, as it relies on procedures used by organized criminal groups; it satisfies a strong demand and is thus highly lucrative for those participating in the trade; its complex nature often requires the involvement of many actors, including legal entities and third parties, who tend to operate in a structured and organized way; and it uses modern and sophisticated technologies. There is also evidence that transnational trafficking in antiquities is linked to other illicit activities in which organized criminal groups are involved, including drugs and arms smuggling, violence, corruption, and money laundering Borgstede, The simplicity of commercial structures employed nowadays by tombaroli for example, transporting, selling, and delivering the pieces to the client without the use of a middleman means that archeological looting cannot be related to Italian organized crime, which mostly refers to large-scale, stable, and structured organizations Paoli, Italian organized crime exercises political dominion over their areas of influence, collects both lawful and unlawful debts, and regulates legal and illegal markets, among other tasks Paoli, According to Sciarrone , they also use violence and intimidation to enter the legitimate economy and seek to control the territory. The nature of these criminal associations becomes confused when the term is used to describe smaller organized criminal groups with local significance Paoli, The only connection between the conception of Italian organized crime described by Paoli and Sciarrone and tombaroli is that looters might operate in territories which are controlled by organized crime groups. Cases where organized criminal groups requested the services of tombaroli are anecdotal and do not have significant evidence in the press and literature. However, these pieces of news are anecdotal, few, and the evidence given is very feeble, in the opinion of the expert respondents. Data gathered in this study evidenced that tombaroli cannot be labeled organized criminals, according to the UNCTOC, because not all the items of the definition of organized crime stated in its article 2 are present. The low penalty attached to the crime leads tombaroli to perceive themselves as non-criminals. All the tombaroli who were interviewed for this project do not see the activity in which they engage as criminal. Tombaroli claimed that looting for them is a way of living that is strongly tied to both their ancient roots and the land where they have lived since they were born. In fact, tombaroli consider themselves to be descendants of the Etruscan civilization, as a way of justifying ancient Etruscan items are theirs as their living heirs. They see their criminal activity either as a job or a hobby. Moreover, Italian tombaroli are passers-by in the Italian criminal justice system. Both elements, tombaroli not seeing themselves criminals, and their sporadic presence in the criminal justice system, weaken the preventive capacity of law enforcement. They also, however, weaken the culture of protecting the territory and the archaeological heritage it might contain, which is by no means an infinite resource. Even though they know that archaeological heritage pertains to the state, the fact that they see it as their property threatens the communal sphere of cultural heritage. Two of the most agreed upon organizational structures established by Natarajan and Belanger , freelance and family business, imply loosely affiliated networks of people involved in a criminal opportunity. Because most respondents saw tombaroli as freelance operators, there appears to be no formal organization among those looting Italian archaeological heritage. Even tombaroli saw themselves as independent contractors. Freelance operators have no division of labor as they perform the requisite tasks related to looting, such as spotting the terrain, digging, appraising the goods, and selling them. Data demonstrated that family ties do not seem to play an important role in archaeological looting beyond teaching sons and grandsons the ropes of becoming a tombarolo. Families that work together to actively loot and sell archaeological findings also have an informal division of labor and do not appear to have an identified leader. Furthermore, these families do not have a structure. The results garnered from the conducted interviews did not support the notion that organized crime is involved in archaeological looting in Italy. A solid link between traditional Italian organized crime and tombaroli was not found. No proof has ever been found of an involvement of mafia-type organizations in the direct and continuing organization of the activities related to the trafficking of cultural artifacts. The results pointed instead towards the existence of a highly opportunistic crime that is largely taken advantage of by locals who do not appear to see their activity as criminal. Instead, they see their actions as ways to generate an extra, secondary income, as all the interviewed tombaroli were employed. Their criminal activities provide them with the opportunity to meet basic living expenses, in a way that does not require a great deal of trouble or coordination of efforts. Furthermore, tombaroli cannot be labeled organized criminals according to the definition of the UNCTOC, as they do not fulfill the requirement regarding the aim of committing one or more serious crimes or offenses. The fact that tombaroli organize mostly as groups of freelancers or family members supports the idea that looters should not be labeled organized criminals. In sum, these results highlighted the need to assess exactly how tombaroli do operate, without fashionable myths that romanticize and misconstrue reality. Alder C, Polk K Stopping this awful business: the illicit traffic in antiquities examined as a criminal market. Art Antiquities and Law 7 1 — Article Google Scholar. In: Reichel PL ed Handbook of transnational crime and justice. Sage, Thousand Oaks. Google Scholar. Indiana Law Review 45 3 — Balcells M Old dogs, new tricks: the use of technology by italian archaeological looters. Eleven International Publishing, pp — Tirant lo Blanch, Valencia. Int J Cult Prop 21 3 — Chappell D, Polk K Unraveling the Cordata: just how organized is the international traffic in cultural objects? Springer, New York. Origini, funzioni e articolazioni - legislazione di Tutela. The European Review of Organised Crime 1 2 — Hamblin DJ Pots and robbers. Simon and Schuster, New York. Europolis Editing, Roma. Inprimapagina n. Skira, Milan. Lattanzi G , May-June Tales of a tombarolo. Archaeology, 48— Mackenzie S Going, going, gone: regulating the market in Illicit Antiquities. Institute of Art and Law, Leicester. Mackenzie S , December Identifying and preventing opportunities for organized crime in the international antiquities market. Mackenzie S a The market as criminal and criminals in the market: reducing opportunities for organized crime in the international antiquities market. Mackenzie S b Illicit deals in cultural objects as crimes of the powerful. Crime Law and Social Change 56 2 — Routledge, New York. Manacorda S , December Introductory notes. Melillo G , December Involvement of organized crime in art and antiquities: some remarks from the Italian perspective. Morelle R , February 12 Organised crime sets sights on wildlife. Retrieved from www. J Drug Issues — Wolf Legal Publishers, Nijmegen. Pastore G The looting of archaeological sites in Italy. J Art Crime — Rusconi, Milan. Proulx BB Organized criminal involvement in the illicit antiquities trade. Trends in Organized Crime 14 1 — The Boydell Press, Woodbridge. Book Google Scholar. Donzelli, Roma. The New Yorker, 58— Casa Editrice Bonechi, Firenze. Thoden van Velzen D Threats to the Etruscan heritage. TMA 8 2 — Tijhuis AJG Transnational crime and the interface between legal and illegal actors. The case of the illicit art and antiquities trade. Wolf Legal Publishing, Nijmegen. Visconti A La tutela penale del patrimonio culturale mobile: esigenze di riforma alla luce degli impulsi internazionali. Public Affairs, New York. Download references. You can also search for this author in PubMed Google Scholar. Correspondence to Marc Balcells. The author did not receive support from any organization for the submitted work. There were no potential conflicts of interest involved in this research. The questionnaire and methodology for this study were approved by the institutional review board of John Jay College of Criminal Justice, The City University of New York project number Informed consent to participate in this research was obtained from all individual participants included in the study. Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Reprints and permissions. Balcells, M. Organized crime involvement in antiquities looting in Italy. Trends Organ Crim Download citation. Accepted : 26 September Published : 04 October Anyone you share the following link with will be able to read this content:. Sorry, a shareable link is not currently available for this article. Provided by the Springer Nature SharedIt content-sharing initiative. Trends in Organized Crime Aims and scope Submit manuscript. Download PDF. Antiquities in a time of conflict: a crime script analysis of antiquities trafficking during the Syrian Civil War and implications for conflict antiquities Article Open access 23 June Crime in Ireland north and south: Feuding gangs and profiteering paramilitaries Article 29 May Use our pre-submission checklist Avoid common mistakes on your manuscript. Literature review Extant literature on the relationship of Italian organized crime groups with archaeological looters is, to say the least, highly contradictory. Methodology Departing from scarce information available in the literature, this study attempted to answer what is the nature of the relationship between tombaroli and organized crime groups. Results The contested relationship between tombaroli and Italian organized crime groups Many interviewed experts thought that even in archaeological areas that exist in provinces where important organized crime groups are rampant, there is little evidence that these groups are trafficking with archaeological items. Conclusion The results garnered from the conducted interviews did not support the notion that organized crime is involved in archaeological looting in Italy. References Alder C, Polk K Stopping this awful business: the illicit traffic in antiquities examined as a criminal market. Indiana Law Review 45 3 — Google Scholar Balcells M Old dogs, new tricks: the use of technology by italian archaeological looters. Archaeology, 48—49 Mackenzie S Going, going, gone: regulating the market in Illicit Antiquities. Institute of Art and Law, Leicester Google Scholar Mackenzie S , December Identifying and preventing opportunities for organized crime in the international antiquities market. Wolf Legal Publishing, Nijmegen Google Scholar Visconti A La tutela penale del patrimonio culturale mobile: esigenze di riforma alla luce degli impulsi internazionali. Ethics declarations Ethics approval and consent to participate The author did not receive support from any organization for the submitted work. About this article. Cite this article Balcells, M. Copy to clipboard. Search Search by keyword or author Search. Navigation Find a journal Publish with us Track your research.

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