Copenhagen buying Heroin

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Copenhagen buying Heroin

Christiania is one of the tourist attractions of Copenhagen. This old military base, which was taken over by hippies during the s, is a unique place, with dirt roads and ramshackle wooden buildings put together with odds and ends and some gorgeous wild nature which is surprising to find in the middle of a European capital city. Pusher Street was a row of wooden booths where until recently buyers could choose from a selection of hashish being sold openly, although the dealers would smash your camera if you tried to take a picture of it. The truth is many Copenhageners like the fact that hashish dealing is centralized in one place. Via text messages, or on apps that are popular with young people, like Snapchat. Legal prescription drugs are a different category entirely. However, many internationals have noticed that Danish doctors are not as free with prescriptions as doctors might be in their home countries. For example, it is a perennial complaint of internationals that Danish doctors are reluctant prescribe antibiotics. This is because they are concerned about the development of antibiotic resistance. Danish doctors will provide antibiotics for bacterial infections, but not for flu or other viral illnesses or just random things people want them for. I have seen some internationals take this the wrong way and get very angry. Sleep medication is another drug that can be difficult to get in Denmark, where even melatonin requires a prescription. If you can get prescription sleeping pills at all, they will be prescribed to you in very limited amounts, like two weeks, and the doctor will monitor your use of them. Repeat prescriptions can be very difficult to get. The Danes feel that you should address the underlying cause of your sleep problems instead of taking a pill. Now, you might think you could simply this order this stuff from abroad, or have a friend send it to you. That would be a mistake. The Danish customs team is quite effective at finding medicine shipped in packages and envelopes, even from the EU. You will get a fine, a fine big enough to disrupt your application for permanent residency and citizenship if you get that far. Maybe your mom always used to give you some non-prescription concoction when you had a bad cold or a flu. You can probably bring a limited amount with you in your suitcase without running into problems. It all depends on your luck, your doctor, and what the Danish health authorities have approved. But in general, the Danish point of view is, the fewer drugs, the better. Except, of course, for caffeine — the country runs on coffee and energy drinks. And alcohol, the most widely used, and abused, drug in Denmark, which has the highest binge drinking rates in Europe. Kay Xander Mellish is a writer and a keynote speaker on Scandinavian culture. She is an American living in Copenhagen, Denmark. Podcasts , Stories about life in Denmark Drugs in Denmark. September 29, by Kay Xander Mellish. Previous Post Next Post. The Bridges of Denmark August 30, Practical tips for moving to Denmark November 5,

Penalties at a glance

Copenhagen buying Heroin

This article is part of the following series: Reducing Harm Responsibly. Yet, upon closer inspection, things are not what they seem. Firstly, there is no cash register, no one taking payments. The guests at the tables are not speaking much, slumping instead on their chairs, often in a kind of daze. Most are disheveled and very skinny. And, behind the counter, a dozen or so boxes of syringes, measuring cups, and condoms, which are handed out to people upon request. In practice, this means that guests enter, pick up a meal, pick up a syringe, do their drugs, and walk out with no further questions asked. Harm reduction is an approach that recognizes drug use as inevitable in society. In this pragmatic understanding of drug use, helping the user becomes a question of lowering the risks associated with drug use, such as infection and overdose, in contrast to an abstinence approach, which aims to eliminate drug use altogether. Once they come here, they are already in a very difficult place. So, we keep them alive, we keep them stable. In many cases: what can we do to keep you alive? Harm Reduction as practiced at Dugnad is not at odds with a recovery-based model and the staff were highly supportive of users who wished to take such steps. It is staffed by chefs and social workers, all of whom are trained in CPR and crisis management. The guests are generally thankful to have people observing them use. For this guest, like many users, living with drugs is about survival, rather than rehabilitation. Since then, all recipients of emergency overdose treatments in the fixing rooms have survived, and HIV and HCV infection rates have been in steady decline. Dugnad is a global pioneer of harm reduction. The Danish government responded to drug use with moral panic, much like other European countries at the time, and initially criminalized drugs and their users harshly. This war on drugs-style approach led unequivocally to less trust in police, less interaction with social services and a higher death rate in the drug user population in Denmark Frantzen, ; Gadejuristen, , proving what harm reduction advocates have been arguing for decades: that an omnipresence of antagonistic police always gives way to hasty fixes in dirty places with unsafe equipment. Then, as now, there were around 20, active hard drug users in Denmark, and around of these people frequented Vesterbro during their daily drug grind. Almost every year since, a new fixing room has opened in a small or large Danish city. The harm reduction logic established by the founders of Dugnad and other local activists: that decriminalizing — rather than punishing — drug use creates more stable conditions for users and saves more lives has gained a place in Danish national policy. None of this concerned the guests and staff at Dugnad much on a daily basis. A few have experience with hard drug use like Lars, who is tasked with watering the plants of the yard. What mainly binds the staff is their activism, their cheeky pride in a still radical profession. In practice, I observed that the staff took a kind of laissez-faire, unbothered approach to drugs. You have to want it. Instead, the atmosphere between staff and guests is jokey and familial. Throughout the day, guests smoke cigarettes and get each other coffee, listening to music and discussing various topics, sharing — if they please — their thoughts regarding drug use. Here, food safety is actively enmeshed in more minimalist conceptualizations of harm reduction. For hard drug users, poor diet and malnourishment are prevalent consequences of a daily drug grind that rarely includes seeking out substantial meals. Food and drugs are rarely connoted in the mind of a user, and even more rarely in societal discourses. Gould argues that partly due to the documented experiential opposition of the two, and partly due to social stigma, drugs and food are perceived as being on opposite ends of the spectrum. Food is considered nourishing, social, pure — contra drugs: toxic, lonely and polluting. Hard drugs pollute society. Drug users loitering the streets are their agential polluting figures. Of course, this is not a natural state of affairs but a constructed one. As Annemarie Mol reminds us in her philosophical-ethnographic account of medical diagnoses in a Dutch hospital, reality does not precede practices but is constituted by them, thus as items are manipulated by various actors, reality can multiply Mol, All these pre-cursors must be in place before atherosclerosis can be diagnosed and come into the world, despite the fact that the pain suffered is experienced as pre-emptive by the patient. Similarly, the users at Dugnad were addicted before they arrived, yet their arrival implicated them in new ontological understandings of addiction. The ways in which the social facts surrounding any condition ascleoperosis or addiction are managed, naturally influence the diagnosis, the treatment — and, importantly, the experience of the patient or user, who reacts accordingly. Social phenomena are understood and created in these relational intercedes of things, so making drugs and food interchangeable fundamentally challenges the hierarchy of meaning that usually exists between them: it creates a new reality for the addict. The guests at Dugnad, who usually find themselves excluded from societal ideals, are here represented by a place that caters to their most pressing needs: drug addiction and hunger. Their surroundings reflect them, and for once, their addicted bodies are not in dire contrast to the larger social body, to the norms of society. Dugnad offers a space of exception, a place where users feel accepted. A similar answer came up again and again when I asked guests why they liked coming to Dugnad. Summerson Carr demonstrates, in her metalinguistic examination of therapy at a U. Ashley, a trans woman who frequented Dugnad, was involved almost constantly with various forms of local bureaucracy. The next day, he was sat on the selfsame bench smoking crack and getting into a row about drug-money. This kind of back and forth is common at Dugnad. Addicts are often working through multiple versions of themselves at any given time, picturing a sober future even whilst preparing a syringe. Dugnad had nothing to offer Dennis beyond food, so he had no stake in euphemizing his narrative. Dugnad concretely gave Dennis a space and time to reflect without fear of persecution. It is hard, when pursued by police and in search of the next fix, to think more than a few hours ahead. As Dennis told me, his days are usually distinguished by the acquisition and consumption of drugs: his levels of abstinence and money quite literally determine whether he leaves his flat. Mattingly shows how these experimentations with the ethical self often take place in certain spaces, places and moments: spaces with particular moral properties that differ significantly from those in the outside world, and which thus sanction the small gestures of virtue and reflection through which an ethical self is formed. As the users expressed, they felt most at ease when openly musing and joking, most respected and sometimes the most hopeful for a drug-free future. It is clear that the point at Dugnad is not whether this drug-free future is realized, but that it can be imagined, even briefly lived, as drugs cede to food and sociality in glimpses. What we now know of recovery from addiction shows that it is not the linear process which we have so long idealized. It is often a sporadic, fragmented one, starting over many times and with motivation arriving in bursts or not at all. Currently working as a freelance journalist and studying a masters in modern culture at Copenhagen University. Twitter: Johannakinnock. International Harm Reduction Association. What is harm reduction? Forbudszone er nu fortid! Gould, A. Scandinavian Journal of Social Welfare , 3 2 , 85— Mol, A. The Body Multiple. Weintraub, Eds. Durham: Duke University Press. Carr, E. Philadelphia: Princeton University Press. Lenhard, J. Making better lives — home making among homeless people in Paris. Bourgois, P. Righteous dopefiend. Mattingly, C. Oakland: University of California Press. This was lovely to read. Let me go find a relevant one real quick…. And this kind of rhetoric about the mysteries of womankind appears to be a perennial feature of them. This carries over on every level. Women are always expected to imagine what things look like from a male point of view. Men are almost never expected to reciprocate. So deeply internalized is this pattern of behavior that many men react to the suggestion that they might do otherwise as if it were an act of violence in itself. A popular exercise among High School creative writing teachers in America, for example, is to ask students to imagining they have been transformed, for a day, into someone of the opposite sex, and describe what that day might be like. The results, apparently, are uncannily uniform. The girls all write long and detailed essays that clearly show they have spent a great deal of time thinking about the subject. Half of the boys usually refuse to write the essay entirely. Those who do make it clear they have not the slightest conception what being a teenage girl might be like, and deeply resent having to think about it. They both deal with consequences of violence; namely, its production of lopsided views of the world. The powerful group which imposes violence need not understand what the powerless group is doing, and the powerless group, in order to survive, needs to know about the powerful group and reinforce their view of reality while often, it seems to me, internalizing the view of the powerful group. While Graeber offers up a warning that the production of theory might play a role in furthering this kind of division of reality, you do something much more beautiful! You inspect a place that has found a partial solution to the problem, and it is deceptively simple: Friendship, Food, and the space and comfort for Reflection. This is the old Somatosphere website containing archives up to May The website is no longer being updated. Please visit our new website at Somatosphere. Close Menu Home. Purity and Danger. London: Routledge. AMA citation: Kinnock J. Accessed October 21, Kinnock, Johanna. Accessed 21 Oct. Tags Activism , copenhagen , drug use policy , Harm Reduction.

Copenhagen buying Heroin