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Trump is 'cruel,' says Harris about abortion in Georgia, former president goes off script in Pennsylvania. At tribute for cyclist killed in Paris: 'What happened to Paul isn't an isolated case'. The DZ Mafia, a Marseille drug enterprise turned criminal brand with mafia ambitions. Report reveals why Israeli intelligence failed to foresee October 7 attack. What is Hezbollah, and why has it been in conflict with Israel for the past 40 years? COP 'The need to reform the global financial architecture has become even clearer'. Gigantic animals come to life again at the 'Giants' exhibition in Toulouse. Tom Wesselmann, the pop artist long in Warhol's shadow, enters the spotlight. Philippe Charlier, exhibition curator: 'The zombie is a very relevant figure today'. On January 5, 8. Six months earlier, in May , Bolivia's interior minister, Eduardo del Castillo, then 34 years old, dressed in camouflage fatigues and a bullet-proof vest, described another crackdown in the Cochabamba region, in the center of the country, as 'historic'. Twenty-seven cocaine paste factories and seven refining laboratories had just been dismantled there by the special anti-narcotics force Fuerza Especial de Lucha Contra el Narcotrafico; FELCN. These operations publicized by the government of left-wing President Luis Arce, in power since November , aim to convince public opinion of its effectiveness against drug trafficking. In total, in , almost 33 tons of cocaine were seized compared with However, these figures reveal an alarming reality for Bolivia: The amount of drugs in circulation is skyrocketing. For a long time, Bolivia was only a producer of coca leaves, consumed for medicinal or traditional reasons, ranking third behind Colombia and Peru. In recent years, however, the country has become one of the world's leading cocaine manufacturers. In La Paz, in the heart of the largest indoor coca leaf market, producers from the Yungas, a traditional production region to the northeast of the city, dismiss any confusion. It's the same with coca,' said one of them, Oscar Mercado, who dries his leaves on the ground. In Bolivia, while coca leaf cultivation is authorized on 22, hectares, the actual area under cultivation is much larger. According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, some 30, hectares are in use in the country while other analysts put the figure at 45, hectares. Yungas growers are keen to distinguish themselves from another, more recent, producing region, Chapare center , a stronghold of former president Evo Morales , himself a former grower and head of the powerful regional cocalero union. In , Morales extended the legal area for coca cultivation, which has mainly benefited Chapare. Nous vous conseillons de modifier votre mot de passe. Videos Investigations Explainers. French Delights Exhibitions Gastronomy Culture. Read more Subscribers only Colombia's year war on drugs proves costly and futile. Subscribe to continue reading. Already a subscriber? Sign in.
Speaks in Cochabamba, Hub of Bolivia’s Cocaine Trade : Pontiff Warns of ‘Seductions’ of Drugs
Cochabamba where can I buy cocaine
Kathryn Ledebur is the director of the Andean Information Network, a human rights organisation that works on coca, development and human rights issues. She receives funding from the Global Challenges Research Fund for research and on coca policy in Peru and Bolivia and from the Open Society Foundation for coca, development and drug policy in Bolivia. She has worked as a senior expert consultant on coca, development, drug policy and gender for the European Union and research organisations. Her government has repeatedly violated its mandate by passing new laws and persecuting its political opponents, including coca growers in the Chapare region east of Cochabamba, who we collaborate with on research projects. Under the previous government of Evo Morales, coca growers benefited from a programme that allowed them to cultivate a plot of coca up to 2, square metres, and actively engaged farmers to self-police to respect these limits. This policy, which emphasised community participation and respect for human rights, was lauded and funded by the European Union. But this approach was recently reversed. Yet the EU has been helping to make this happen. Human rights violations, arbitrary detentions and threats against human rights defenders soon followed, as United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet has frequently noted. The post-election crisis last year resulted in at least 35 deaths and injuries, most of them during army and police operations. Dozens of former government officials and people related to the former administration have been persecuted. A subsequent military and police attack on unarmed protesters left 11 dead and scores injured. This successfully reduced illegal production, and was hailed by the UN Development Programme as an innovative approach superior to decades of forced eradication. It presents a hardline and often muddled stance on drug use, interdiction and supply control issues, demonstrating little knowledge of existing Bolivian policy or national dynamics. The strategy also fails to comply with EU gender and generational funding requirements. The EU had actively explored adapting the previous policy to neighbouring countries. But now, the lessons from the community-based experience are quickly being lost. Edition: Available editions Europe. Become an author Sign up as a reader Sign in. Events More events.
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