Cochabamba buy cocaine

__________________________

📍 Verified store!

📍 Guarantees! Quality! Reviews!

__________________________

▼▼ ▼▼ ▼▼ ▼▼ ▼▼ ▼▼ ▼▼

▲▲ ▲▲ ▲▲ ▲▲ ▲▲ ▲▲ ▲▲

Cochabamba buy cocaine

Trump is 'cruel,' says Harris about abortion in Georgia, former president goes off script in Pennsylvania. At tribute for cyclist killed in Paris: 'What happened to Paul isn't an isolated case'. The DZ Mafia, a Marseille drug enterprise turned criminal brand with mafia ambitions. Report reveals why Israeli intelligence failed to foresee October 7 attack. What is Hezbollah, and why has it been in conflict with Israel for the past 40 years? COP 'The need to reform the global financial architecture has become even clearer'. Gigantic animals come to life again at the 'Giants' exhibition in Toulouse. Tom Wesselmann, the pop artist long in Warhol's shadow, enters the spotlight. Philippe Charlier, exhibition curator: 'The zombie is a very relevant figure today'. On January 5, 8. Six months earlier, in May , Bolivia's interior minister, Eduardo del Castillo, then 34 years old, dressed in camouflage fatigues and a bullet-proof vest, described another crackdown in the Cochabamba region, in the center of the country, as 'historic'. Twenty-seven cocaine paste factories and seven refining laboratories had just been dismantled there by the special anti-narcotics force Fuerza Especial de Lucha Contra el Narcotrafico; FELCN. These operations publicized by the government of left-wing President Luis Arce, in power since November , aim to convince public opinion of its effectiveness against drug trafficking. In total, in , almost 33 tons of cocaine were seized compared with However, these figures reveal an alarming reality for Bolivia: The amount of drugs in circulation is skyrocketing. For a long time, Bolivia was only a producer of coca leaves, consumed for medicinal or traditional reasons, ranking third behind Colombia and Peru. In recent years, however, the country has become one of the world's leading cocaine manufacturers. In La Paz, in the heart of the largest indoor coca leaf market, producers from the Yungas, a traditional production region to the northeast of the city, dismiss any confusion. It's the same with coca,' said one of them, Oscar Mercado, who dries his leaves on the ground. In Bolivia, while coca leaf cultivation is authorized on 22, hectares, the actual area under cultivation is much larger. According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, some 30, hectares are in use in the country while other analysts put the figure at 45, hectares. Yungas growers are keen to distinguish themselves from another, more recent, producing region, Chapare center , a stronghold of former president Evo Morales , himself a former grower and head of the powerful regional cocalero union. In , Morales extended the legal area for coca cultivation, which has mainly benefited Chapare. Nous vous conseillons de modifier votre mot de passe. Videos Investigations Explainers. French Delights Exhibitions Gastronomy Culture. Read more Subscribers only Colombia's year war on drugs proves costly and futile. Subscribe to continue reading. Already a subscriber? Sign in.

Can You Get Rich from the Bolivian Cocaine Trade?

Cochabamba buy cocaine

This article originally appeared on the Andean Information Network. Read the original here. Three key arguments about of how drug production and trafficking function easily dispel this widespread misinformation. First, the majority of Chapare coca farmers are not directly involved in drug trafficking. Second, profits from most low-level drug trafficking are limited. And finally, the Chapare coca unions are not complicit with illegal activity; rather, they have proven to be active partners in the fight against drug production and trafficking. They fill the vat with coca leaves, which are then soaked in chemicals including sulfuric acid, ammonia, caustic soda and gasoline. The mechanized approach speeds up the maceration process, reduces the amount of coca to process one kilo of paste, and requires less workers — most production sites now employ three people instead of five. A production site using the Colombian method and working at full capacity can process up to of three kilos of cocaine paste per day. The rescatistas buy up cocaine paste from several sites. Once they have amassed several kilos, they arrange for it to be transported out of the Chapare, generally by teenagers or members of the large itinerant population who are always on the lookout for work. Whether by foot, road, or river, the transporters have innovative strategies to hide the drug so that they can pass through or avoid the police checkpoints. Some carry the paste by foot to the city of Cochabamba, a five-day trek with the risk of robbery. Cocaine paste also makes its way north along rivers into the department of Beni. The cocaine paste still needs to be refined into pure crystallized cocaine cocaine hydrochloride , but this is a complex process, requiring more skill, equipment, and expensive, difficult to obtain chemicals. Police raids have revealed that some of these laboratories have a workforce of up to thirty people — very different operations than the rudimentary Chapare cocaine paste production units. To process one kilo of cocaine paste, the pichicateros require liters of gasoline. However, the Morales administration has put tight controls on the movement of precursor chemicals, especially gasoline. Chapare gas stations only allow people to buy one tank per day, and they add pink dye to it, which makes it less attractive for cocaine paste production. Other precursors, including chalk and caustic soda, also come at a premium because of tight government controls. When the pichicateros cannot get hold of the correct chemicals, they improvise — for example, using cement instead of chalk to process paste. Coca leaf represents the most costly element in the production chain. It is also important to note that production is not constant. Pichicateros tend to spend far more time idle than working. This is because it is difficult to obtain the necessary chemicals, which slows or even stalls production. In addition, the pichicateros often lack sufficient capital to cover the costs of the inputs until they have sold their previous batch of paste. As a result of these combined factors, most production sites make less than ten kilos of cocaine paste per month. Just like any other industry, illegal cocaine paste production is stratified, with owners of the means of production and others who sell their labor. The laborers or peones: Peones represent the majority of the workers in the pichicata industry. They undertake manual tasks such as carrying the heavy bags of coca and precursor chemicals to the production site, stomping the coca, shredding coca leaves, and acting as lookouts. The majority are either recent migrants to the region who have come looking for work as either builders or farm hands or local teenagers who want to earn extra spending money. It is also very risky: if caught, they face eight years in prison. A 14 year-old pisa-coca described wading around in a toxic mulch of coca, gasoline, and acid for several hours a day. The fumes gave him a terrible headache, and his flimsy rubber boots let in acid that turned his toe nails green. They are mid-level technicians familiar with the basics of processing cocaine paste, i. The quimico can complement this wage by skimming off any extra production and selling it privately. The Owners: At the top of the local production ladder are the owners of these rudimental production sites. The owners are few in number; they might be richer peasants or non-resident immigrants from elsewhere in Bolivia. If caught, the owner faces 15 years in prison; consequently, on the whole they do not work directly in cocaine paste production. The laborers, chemists, and even the owners do not get rich from pichicata — all it allows them to do is to save up to buy their own plot of farm land, small business, car, or even a house. These are modest ambitions — enough to buy a beat-up Toyota station-wagon, not a Mercedes Benz or a Land Rover. Their rural houses are often made from rough cut planks and do not have running water, sanitation or electricity. Many claim that once they have amassed the requisite capital to invest in a productive activity then they will abandon their illegal activities. Older farmers confirmed that they had done just that; after acquiring their own plot of land where no credit was available, they had decided the risks far outweighed the benefits and had subsequently dedicated themselves to farming instead. However, contrary to journalistic hyperbole, this economic dynamism cannot simply be attributed to a presumed rise in drug production and trafficking. The Chapare looks so much richer today because people are now prepared to invest their money in the region. Finally, the government has front-loaded development assistance to the region and farmers are taking advantage of these opportunities, including crop substitution and fish farming projects. Over the past five years, the federations have made a concerted effort to tackle cocaine paste production. The leader of each local level union organizes frequent commissions composed of union leaders and community members to check that no member is producing cocaine paste on his or her land. If a functioning or even abandoned production site is found, then the union will impose sanctions against the landowner, including prohibiting them from growing coca, or in extreme cases, confiscating the land and expelling the culprit from the community. The threats are real, and the majority of coca farmers will not allow the pichicateros to set up production sites on their land. I worry about him being tempted by the easy cash. Drug production is seen as bringing shame on the community — indeed, one leader likened it to the whole community having a criminal record. Moreover, association with drug trafficking can have serious material consequences. One union leader described how the coca grower-dominated municipal government will suspend public works investment to any community suspected of being involved in cocaine paste production. In a region where many people do not have access to roads or basic services, this represents a significant threat. Another important factor is jealousy; people do not like to think that someone is making more money at their expense, and this motivates them to denounce pichicateros to the union and to the police. Finally, as the Chapare coca growers identify strongly with the goals of the ruling Movement Towards Socialism MAS administration, they genuinely do not want to make the government look bad by engaging in illicit activities. The coca growers know that if President Morales fails and another government enters, they face the prospect of a return to the militarized coca eradication of the s and s, which generated widespread poverty and provoked violent conflicts in the region. Previously, during the US-backed drug war, they could process cocaine paste close to the main roads and towns, safe in the knowledge that their neighbors would not denounce them to the authorities. US-financed repression against growers was effective in convincing all Chapare residents that the police were enemies. As a result of this pressure, the pichicateros have been forced to alter their behavior, setting up production sites in ever more remote areas in the middle of the night. They never maintain a production site in one place for more than two weeks. Often absentee landowners are unaware production ever occurred on their property. The majority of the workers, including pisa-cocas, peones, and quimicos, receive relatively low wages for dangerous work. These people should therefore be thought of as the proletariat of the cocaine trade. Given the low wages, harmful working conditions and the risk of being caught and facing eight to fifteen years in jail , processing and transporting cocaine paste are not particularly attractive options. As a result, the bulk of people who produce and traffic cocaine paste are temporary migrants or young people who do not own their own land and who have little to lose. Meanwhile, the coca union members who own land would prefer a quiet life dedicated to farming. Contrary to the dominant and often dramatic portrayals in the media, the coca unions are not complicit with drug trafficking organizations. Rather, the Federations take their role in the fight against drug trafficking very seriously. There has been a shift in the coca grower perception of drug trafficking. However, it would be unrealistic to expect the coca unions to be able to stamp out drug production completely — even the DEA was unable to achieve that. Subscribe to our newsletter to receive a weekly digest of the latest organized crime news and stay up-to-date on major events, trends, and criminal dynamics from across the region. Donate today to empower research and analysis about organized crime in Latin America and the Caribbean, from the ground up. Skip to content. Production Costs and Other Profit Constraints To process one kilo of cocaine paste, the pichicateros require liters of gasoline. Labor Just like any other industry, illegal cocaine paste production is stratified, with owners of the means of production and others who sell their labor. Pichicata and the Local Economy The laborers, chemists, and even the owners do not get rich from pichicata — all it allows them to do is to save up to buy their own plot of farm land, small business, car, or even a house. Stay Informed With InSight Crime Subscribe to our newsletter to receive a weekly digest of the latest organized crime news and stay up-to-date on major events, trends, and criminal dynamics from across the region.

Cochabamba buy cocaine