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Activities by an organized crime group involving the illegal entry, transit or residence of migrants for a financial or material benefit. The production, transport, storage and sale of goods that are fraudulently mislabeled or fraudulent imitations of registered brands. The illicit transport, handling and sale of excise consumer goods despite a ban or outside a legal market. Excludes oil and counterfeits. The illicit trade and possession of species covered by CITES convention, and other species protected under national law. The poaching, illicit trade in and possession of species covered by CITES and other species protected by national law. Includes IUU fishing. The illicit extraction, smuggling, mingling, bunkering or mining of natural resources and the illicit trade of such commodities. The production, distribution and sale of heroin. Consumption of the drug is considered in determining the reach of the criminal market. The production, distribution and sale of cocaine and its derivatives. Consumption is considered in determining the reach of the market. The illicit cultivation, distribution and sale of cannabis oil, resin, herb or leaves. Consumption is used to determine the market's reach. The production, distribution and sale of synthetic drugs. Organized crime that results in a monetary loss via financial fraud, embezzlement, misuse of funds, tax evasion and abusive tax avoidance. Clearly defined organized crime groups that usually have a known name, defined leadership, territorial control and identifiable membership. Loose networks of criminal associates engaging in criminal activities who fail to meet the defining characteristics of mafia-style groups. Includes foreign nationals and diaspora groups. The State's role in responding to organized crime and its effectiveness. The degree to which states have put oversight mechanisms in place to ensure against state collusion in illicit activities. A country's supranational structures and processes of interaction, policy making and concrete implementation to respond to organized crime. The degree to which states are able to control their physical and cyber territory and infrastructure against organized criminal activities. Assistance provided to victims of various forms of organized crime, including initiatives such as witness protection programs. Refers to the existence of strategies, measures, resource allocation, programmes and processes that are aimed to inhibit organized crime. Bolivia remains a transit and destination country for people of multiple nationalities. Traffickers operate forced-labour and exploitation networks within Bolivia and in neighbouring countries, with women and children being the most vulnerable. Almost three-quarters of rescued victims fall into this category. The COVID pandemic and the Venezuelan migration crisis have increased the number of refugees who are vulnerable to human trafficking, but poor indigenous people in rural areas are the most affected. While Bolivia is not a major destination, it plays a crucial role as a transit location for people who want to leave Brazil and enter Peru on their way to North America, as well as for people who want to reach Argentina and Chile. Notable smuggling activity takes place on the border with Peru, with indigenous communities involved in the facilitation process. The Venezuelan crisis has further boosted the human-smuggling market. Criminal gangs profit from the situation by extorting or kidnapping people who are transiting through irregular crossings. Venezuelan mafia groups are believed to be behind this transnational flow of people, operating in the country through local allies. Reports indicate that smuggled people are often exploited for drug smuggling and sex work. They also face discrimination and xenophobia when trying to access basic services. There are no known cases of extortion or protection racketeering linked to organized-crime groups. Bolivia is a transit country for arms trafficking, serving as a gateway for guns from the US to criminal organizations in Brazil and Paraguay. Transnational mafias use Bolivian territory to supply arms to their subsidiaries and allies in other countries, and local criminal groups also have access to these weapons, which are often exchanged at border crossing points. However, the Bolivian government has done little to enforce gun laws, and a significant portion of the arms in circulation are illegal, contributing to a rise in violence levels. During the pandemic, smuggling methods became more sophisticated, and there have been reports of Brazilian gangs raiding Bolivian military bases, leading to suspicions of complicity with low-level officials. In addition, there have been reports of the use by criminals of bullets manufactured by the Bolivian Ammunition Factory, supporting the hypothesis that public officials are involved in this market. Counterfeit goods have also become increasingly prevalent in Bolivia due to the rise of informal markets during the pandemic. Counterfeit electronic products, clothing and pharmaceutical products are commonly found and often sold openly at fairs and shopping centres. Bolivian customs seizures experienced a substantial increase compared to pre-pandemic levels, but no criminal organizations have been identified or prosecuted for this crime. Additionally, counterfeit alcoholic beverages are produced within mafia-style groups in Bolivia, but the increase in contraband of international brands may be reducing the incentives to produce them on a large scale. The illegal trade in excise goods is also a notable issue. The market is transnational in nature, but the main actors are locals, particularly family clans. Public officials often take part in these activities, either by extorting or offering protection to smugglers. Because entire communities rely on the illicit trade in excise goods, acting against these markets is not politically convenient, and virtually no controls are exercised at street markets. The most common illicitly traded excise goods are alcoholic beverages, vehicles, and tobacco products. Deforestation in Bolivia has become a major problem, with millions of hectares of primary tropical forests being destroyed each year. The main drivers of deforestation are land clearance for agriculture and livestock, illegal logging and land trafficking. More than half of the land clearance violates environmental laws and regulations, and land traffickers often work with corrupt officials to falsify documents and launder legal records for the highest bidders. Criminal groups have been reported to use forced labour and to threaten and even kill indigenous leaders who oppose them. Moreover, the trafficking of illegal wood in Bolivia is considered a mere administrative transgression, which has allowed illicit trafficking to proliferate. The Bolivian state has been unable to control this crime due to scarce infrastructure and park rangers being poorly equipped. As for wildlife trafficking, the country serves as a bridge for the illegal trade of species between Brazil and Peru. It involves capturing live specimens for the pet trade, and harvesting animal parts and products for consumption, traditional use or religious festivals. Social media has facilitated the trade, and there is a big market for insects, with the majority of purchases made through the internet. Asian triads have recently taken over the market and have been sending parts of animals such as jaguars to Brazil and Peru for shipment to Asian markets. Efforts have been made to strengthen animal anti-cruelty laws in Bolivia, but these have not been sufficient, as evidenced by the low number of prosecutions for prohibited hunting and fishing, destruction or deterioration of state property, and biocide. The cooperatives of informal miners, who are extremely powerful and influential, receive tax benefits and special treatment from the government. Illegal miners are violent and powerful, leading to clashes with cooperatives over the right to exploit areas in the country. In addition, the country loses millions of dollars due to the illegal smuggling of subsidized petrol to neighbouring countries, as the price difference makes the trade profitable. Bolivia is not a major consumer of heroin, but its strategic location makes it a transit country for heroin trafficking from its neighbours Brazil, Paraguay and Peru. On the other hand, the cocaine market in Bolivia is complex due to the legal cultivation and consumption of coca leaves for traditional purposes. Almost half of the coca leaves being sold are commercialized illegally or used for non-traditional uses. Mexican and Colombian cartels operate in the country, while Brazilian gangs control the traffic into their country and shipments to Europe. To increase drug shipments to accommodate the oversupply, new illegal routes are being opened, especially through rivers and air transport. The cannabis market in Bolivia is relatively small, and only a small proportion of seizures are related to local sales. Cannabis use is illegal in the country, even for medicinal purposes, but authorities do not actively target cannabis users. Colombian organizations facilitate trafficking through the northern regions via Peru, with a loose structure of hired men, while small family groups transport cannabis through the southern part of the country. Local production is limited and managed by informal low-level groups, and cannabis trafficking and production are usually separate from cocaine, except in some micro-trafficking cases. Bolivia is primarily a transit country for synthetic drugs, with most drugs coming from Argentina and Brazil. Overall, the consumption of synthetic drugs is low in Bolivia, but there is evidence of consumption in bars and nightclubs in Cochabamba, as well as in elite high schools. Pharmaceutical drugs such as Tramadol, benzodiazepines and amphetamines require a prescription and are difficult to obtain. While Bolivia does not appear to be a producer of synthetic drugs, it may enable production in neighbouring countries such as Argentina as a transit point for precursors. Cyber-attacks are relatively rare in Bolivia, and when they do occur, they are often politically motivated. In all cases involving malware, foreign actors have been identified as the culprits. Due to the lack of development in state services, public officials and the police are not adequately trained to investigate or identify these types of crimes. Although a cybercrime police unit does exist, its focus is primarily on internet-related crimes, such as human trafficking, rather than computer-based crimes like the spreading of viruses and other malware. Financial crimes in Bolivia are mainly limited to opportunistic crimes, rather than being driven by established criminal groups. Pyramid schemes are relatively rare, and there have been few cases of digital theft within private and governmental banks. Instead of widespread attacks on bank systems, cases have involved hackers gaining access to accounts due to poor password management by users. In contrast, procurement fraud is common at municipal, departmental and national levels of the state, with the crime usually coming to light when new officials take office and investigate their predecessors. This type of fraud has become almost institutionalized due to the normalization of corruption in society. Heads of state institutions frequently receive a percentage of the value of public contracts they sign, and overpriced services and goods are commonly purchased. Bolivian criminal organizations, particularly mafia-style groups, have gained power and control in the country, particularly in the contraband market. These groups have long-standing connections with international actors and public officials, and despite occasional arrests of key members, they have been able to maintain their influence over time. Mafia-style groups are also involved in the transportation of large shipments of cocaine base to neighbouring countries like Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay and even Europe and northern Africa. Criminal networks in Bolivia are engaged in various illegal activities, including drug trafficking and contraband. Family clans in La Paz and Oruro can be considered as belonging to this category as they operate loosely, moving small quantities of cocaine and providing other services within the drug-trafficking chain. Some are even testing their capacity to produce cocaine base. Similarly, criminal networks are involved in contraband and the illicit trade of excise goods. Brazilian mafias have fought for control over drug-trafficking routes for Bolivian and Peruvian cocaine in Bolivian border towns. The Bolivian police are reportedly investigating the presence of Brazilian and Colombian drug lords in the country, and recent investigations have revealed the existence of branches of Brazilian mafia-style groups. Mexican cartels and European traffickers, including Balkan and Italian mafias, are also present, and Paraguayan elites have been found to be involved in drug trafficking in Bolivia. Additionally, there is evidence of a growing Asian-Bolivian drug route using commercial planes that travel from South America to South East Asia, with Bolivian women being used as mules to transport cocaine to these markets. Reports suggest that Venezuelan mafia groups have been profiting from the trafficking and human smuggling due to the Venezuelan crisis, and they are increasingly active in the Chilean-Bolivian border region. The Bolivian state is plagued by corruption, with state-embedded actors facilitating or even participating in criminal networks involved in various illicit markets, including drug trafficking, financial crimes and trade in counterfeit goods. Weak governance, low salaries and an unprofessional bureaucracy create incentives for corruption, clientelism and patronage. The justice system crisis also contributes to high levels of impunity for state-embedded actors involved in criminal operations. Corruption within the justice system has allowed wealthy private actors to bribe their way out of investigations by institutions in charge of regulating money laundering and controlling crime. Private actors collaborate with criminals in businesses in various sectors such as real estate, wood export and the cattle trade, as well as soccer clubs, car dealerships and trading companies. Although the new government has brought some stability to the country following recent political turmoil, Bolivia still performs below regional averages in most governance areas. The penetration of crime into the political system is also a significant issue, with drug dealers holding key political positions, and the state lacking interest in dismantling organized-crime groups. Efforts to tackle corruption in Bolivia remain insufficient, and the country has poor anti-corruption schemes and a weak rule of law. Despite the implementation of anti-corruption units within each ministry, the lack of independence to conduct investigations and the common practice of heads of state institutions taking a percentage of the value of public contracts they sign highlight severe deficiencies in the response to the problem. While Bolivia is a signatory to international agreements to combat organized crime, its compliance in practice is weak. International organizations have criticized Bolivian authorities for failing to comply with international obligations. Bolivia receives funding and support from other countries and various international NGOs to address security, health, environmental and social challenges, including the mitigation of the Venezuelan migration crisis. However, its relationship with the US has been tumultuous, with political accusations made in both directions. The Bolivian legal framework covers all types of crimes, but implementation remains a problem. Deficiencies in combating flora and fauna crimes are also concerning, with the logging of protected wood being an administrative offence, while the trafficking or transportation of it is not punishable with jail time. Also, permits to exploit mines are easy to obtain, and many miners do not comply with anti-exploitation, labour and environmental norms. Furthermore, Bolivia lacks legislation concerning the detention of people with INTERPOL red notices issued against them, making it a haven for people escaping justice in their home countries. The judicial system in Bolivia is widely regarded as an impediment to the fight against crime, with delayed criminal procedures and corrupt networks of lawyers, prosecutors and judges profiting from victims. Recent scandals have exposed instances of officials and authorities favouring jailed criminals sentenced for violence against women. Organized-crime cases brought to justice rarely result in sentences or serious criminal investigations. This judicial crisis is attributed to political interference, de-institutionalization, low budgets and inadequate technological and technical support. Additionally, Bolivia has one of the highest levels of prison occupancy in Latin America, with overcrowding exacerbated by arbitrary and politically motivated arrests and continued reliance on pre-trial detention, even when this violates the criminal code. Poor working conditions, inadequate training and low salaries are some of the issues affecting the police force, along with political interference. The police has been implicated in high-profile cases of drug trafficking and contraband, and there have been calls for a complete restructuring of law enforcement. The national customs office, with military support, is responsible for controlling the illicit trade in excise-goods markets. However, since the military got involved in contraband control, the market has become violent, and clans are using arms to protect themselves. The remoteness of the Bolivian borders, ranging from the high altitudes of the Andes to the Amazon rainforest and Paraguayan Chaco, makes it difficult to control smuggling and illicit traffic. Additionally, there are reports of increasing occurrences of avasallamiento, where groups invade land, mainly illegal mining sites, and force the government to recognize them as the owners. Bolivia has been improving its capabilities against money laundering, with several laws and decrees being passed against the crime. However, Bolivia still remains one of the countries with the highest risk of money laundering in Latin America. Furthermore, Bolivia has yet to implement measures to prevent the misuse of crowdfunding and online gambling. The Bolivian economy has traditionally relied on the exploitation of hydrocarbons and minerals, with the recent discovery of vast lithium reserves offering significant potential for economic development. However, dependence on mineral resources impedes economic diversification and perpetuates extractivism, leading to greater inequality. The national private sector is weak, and high taxes and bureaucracy make it challenging to establish formal companies or small businesses, contributing to one of the largest informal economies globally. In Bolivia, laws have been put in place to protect victims and witnesses. However, the system has weaknesses that prevent adequate support for victims, particularly those of sexual violence. Furthermore, human-smuggling victims are not protected by the state, and the vast majority of victims have not received attention or protection in the past two years. The lack of cooperation and coordination between government agencies in Bolivia acts as a barrier to effective prevention efforts, which remain difficult to measure. Despite this, Bolivia has implemented an innovative coca policy that focuses on the social welfare, human rights and economic stability of coca-farming families. This policy has proven effective and sustainable in diversifying the economy and fostering political and economic stability. The direct participation of communities and grassroots organizations in finding more effective and sustainable approaches to drug control has been a crucial element of its success. Bolivia is considered a partly free country due to its poor guarantees of political rights and civil liberties. Non-state actors play a key role in the country by making crimes visible and highlighting lack of government control in non-renewable-resource trafficking and flora and fauna crimes. The media has played an important role in denouncing corruption and crimes such as drug trafficking. It has put the spotlight on specific cases, leading to arrests and a strong response from the government. However, the government puts continued pressure on media outlets, and institutions do not have the capacity to keep data up to date. Female activists face constant harassment, preventing them from accessing several areas in the country, despite asking for government protection. Indigenous communities also struggle to enforce protection of their territories and are often dismissed by official authorities. The criminal markets score is represented by the pyramid base size and the criminal actors score is represented by the pyramid height, on a scale ranging from 1 to The resilience score is represented by the panel height, which can be identified by the side of the panel. A series of 13 discussion papers, one for each illicit market considered during the development of the Index. We're constantly working to improve the Index. By participating in this survey, you will be providing us with insights and suggestions that will help us make the Index an even better resource. This report was funded in part by a grant from the United States Department of State. The opinions, findings and conclusions stated herein are those of the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime and do not necessarily reflect those of the United States Department of State. Income group Lower middle income. Population 12,, Geography type Landlocked. GINI Index Criminal markets 5. An assessment of the value, prevalence and non-monetary impacts of a specific crime type. Human trafficking 5. Human smuggling 4. Extortion and protection racketeering 3. Arms trafficking 5. Trade in counterfeit goods 5. Illicit trade in excisable goods 7. Flora crimes 7. Fauna crimes 6. Non-renewable resource crimes 8. Heroin trade 2. Cocaine trade 8. Cannabis trade 2. Synthetic drug trade 2. Cyber-dependent crimes 4. Financial crimes 5. Criminal actors 4. An assessment of the impact and influence of a specific criminal actor type on society. Mafia-style groups 4. Criminal networks 4. State-embedded actors 6. Foreign actors 5. Private sector actors 5. Political leadership and governance 5. Government transparency and accountability 4. International cooperation 5. National policies and laws 6. A state's legal action and structures put in place to respond to organized crime. Judicial system and detention 3. Law enforcement 4. Territorial integrity 4. Anti-money laundering 4. Economic regulatory capacity 5. Victim and witness support 5. Prevention 6. Non-state actors 5. Analysis Download full profile english spanish. People Bolivia remains a transit and destination country for people of multiple nationalities. Trade Bolivia is a transit country for arms trafficking, serving as a gateway for guns from the US to criminal organizations in Brazil and Paraguay. Environment Deforestation in Bolivia has become a major problem, with millions of hectares of primary tropical forests being destroyed each year. Drugs Bolivia is not a major consumer of heroin, but its strategic location makes it a transit country for heroin trafficking from its neighbours Brazil, Paraguay and Peru. Cyber Crimes Cyber-attacks are relatively rare in Bolivia, and when they do occur, they are often politically motivated. Financial Crimes Financial crimes in Bolivia are mainly limited to opportunistic crimes, rather than being driven by established criminal groups. Criminal Actors Bolivian criminal organizations, particularly mafia-style groups, have gained power and control in the country, particularly in the contraband market. Criminal justice and security The judicial system in Bolivia is widely regarded as an impediment to the fight against crime, with delayed criminal procedures and corrupt networks of lawyers, prosecutors and judges profiting from victims. Economic and financial environment Bolivia has been improving its capabilities against money laundering, with several laws and decrees being passed against the crime. Civil society and social protection In Bolivia, laws have been put in place to protect victims and witnesses. Read the analysis Listen the podcasts View all events. Next Skip. How to measure organized crime? Read more on globalinitiative. Give us feedback We're constantly working to improve the Index.

A Visit to the War on Drugs

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I have recently returned home from a foray into the tropical lowlands of Bolivia, with some new perspectives on how the US 'War on Drugs' is affecting that nation. Over the past eight years, I have visited Bolivia 25 times, initially to support training exercises for UN peacekeeping operations, and more recently to support NationLab seminars. In all these trips I have only visited the cities of La Paz, Santa Cruz, Cochabamba, and Sucre, and ventured out into the countryside only in the high altiplano region, so this trip to the lowlands was a completely new experience for me. I don't claim to understand all the forces at work in this large and complex country, but I can at least convey some impressions of what I think is going on. What follows is an excerpt from my journal. It takes 28 hours just to get from Denver to Cochabamba by air, including an exhausting overnight flight from Miami to Santa Cruz. Cochabamba is a friendly little city, tucked into a bowl in the mountains at about meters altitude. The weather seems always to be clear and very dry, similar to Albuquerque or El Paso. For the rest of the day I will be a guest of the embassy, visiting counter-drug operations sponsored primarily by US taxpayers. We spiral upwards several times to gain enough altitude to clear the jagged black granite peaks that separate the city of Cochabamba from the lowlands. As we climb over the enormous foothills of the Andes, I can see hundreds of tiny potato farms seemingly etched into the surface of the mountains. Part of the true biological wealth of Bolivia is maintained by these farms: well over distinct varieties of potatoes are grown here. We clear the ridge, and then lazily descend down towards the intense green-green-green of the jungle on the far valley floor. We land on a little military airstrip, and taxi up to a group of elderly but functional helicopters whose vintage dates back at least to the Vietnam War. What with the jungle, the remote airstrip, and the helicopters, I can't help wondering for a moment if I have flown through a time warp, back into that dreadful war on the other side of the world. For those unfamiliar with coca, it is the plant from which cocaine is made, and has nothing whatsoever to do with cocoa. This region of Bolivia is the ultimate source of about as much cocaine as is consumed every year in the entire United States, though these days most of the local crop is actually processed and consumed in countries closer to Bolivia. The Bolivian colonel delivers a crisp military briefing, with charts and graphs showing progress in coca eradication. On the surface it looks quite successful, but it is easy to read between the lines to understand what is not being said: despite all of the extensive eradication of coca fields, the Bolivian coca eradication program, a key element of the US government's 'War on Drugs,' is barely making a dent in the local coca crop. No surprise here, I think, especially for those like me who are parents of high school and college kids. We have learned the hard way that our schools are flooded with cocaine and indeed an entire cornucopia of illegal drugs. This is a sad and bitter truth for my friends in a dozen agencies who daily put their lives on the line in the continuing attempt to protect our nation's youth by reducing the influx of illegal drugs. Making war on a supply chain makes perfect sense in the context of military combat, but when the supply chain feeds an underground market, and when the demand for these goods is insensitive to price, then the war becomes self-defeating. Here's why, in brief: using the military to reduce the supply causes the price to increase, which encourages farmers to grow more coca, wherever the military is not operating. Three factors greatly complicate the task of the military and police:. The increased price that results from eradication of coca not only roughly compensates farmers for their losses, in aggregate, but it also results in more coca plantings elsewhere. This is why I and so many others say that the 'War on Drugs' is self-defeating. The logic driving our efforts seems still to be based on a simple-minded kind of moral reasoning, roughly as follows: 'Drugs are Evil, so we must make war on those who manufacture and distribute them. From an economic point of view this attempt to guide strategy by good-vs-evil morality is worse than silly, it is just dead wrong. The good folks here in Bolivia know this, I know it, the US military has learned it, American think-tanks like RAND Corporation have confirmed it, and a lot of politicians in Washington now know it too. Yet few if any of our political leaders are brave enough to explain this to the American people. Many people have come to believe that the only viable alternative to a campaign against the supply of narcotics is an equal-sized effort to reduce the demand. How to do this is subject to debate, but at the very least it will require public support for spending billions on an approach based on public health, addict rehabilitation, prison reform, and some degree of decriminalization. A change in strategy along these lines has already begun in some countries of Europe, but what are the chances of this happening in the USA and other consumer nations? Zero to none, in the present political climate. However, back to my story. We eat lunch in an open-air pavilion on the grounds of a beautiful hotel, with river and mountain views. The owner of the hotel tells me that she is part of a local effort to attract tourists to the area. I am surprised, but it looks like they might be succeeding. There are actual tourists roaming around, right here at ground zero of the 'War on Drugs,' literally in the middle of a desultory low-intensity conflict. They are Bolivians and Brazilians and Chileans, attracted by the ecological wonderland and friendly people. It is a market place where locals can sell non-coca produce, like oranges, mangos, and pineapples. Frankly, I don't think that it is succeeding. It appears to be an example that confirms the cold statistics that anyone can pull down from the internet. Imposed solutions rarely work in this business, especially when their profits are pathetic when compared to illegal coca. There is little conversation on the return flight, back over the rocky ridge and down into the city of Cochabamba. In letters to come over the following months I intend to return to the 'War on Drugs' repeatedly, to ponder each facet of this complex issue. To those who wish their problems to be nicely packaged with instant plans of action, I urge patience. Above all, I urge restraint in jumping to conclusions. The Quaker Economist will examine this issue from many different angles, slowly and deliberately, before proposing a concrete plan of action. This letter is the first step. Originally published in by the University of Michigan Press as Centuries of Economic Endeavor , this new electronic edition is now available to the public at no cost. Click here to see the Table of Contents. Our email address is ' tqe-comment ' followed by ' quaker. All published letters will be edited for spelling, grammar, clarity, and brevity. Please mention your home meeting, church, synagogue or I think this is only one among many places where the Good vs Evil mentality is failing. I spent many years teaching adolescent sex education and the basics of both 'the plumbing' as we called it , and pregnancy prevention. But the local evangelical Christian community saw to it that we were defunded by the State Health Department, our primary sponsor, because we were corrupting young people with 'information they didn't need. I hope you will look hard at the ramifications of decriminalization. He got his regular allotment from the government, wasn't involved in crime, rarely missed a day of work, and supported his family. Secondly, it's somewhat ironic that the US 'saved Afghanistan' in a crusade of good vs. Loren: thanks for your fine reporting. Even though we 'know' these truths it is good to hear from someone who has been there and shares our outlook. It is a terrible thing to learn all the things that are killing our society, and to know there is possibly little we can do to turn the tide. Reply : I appreciate the support and kind words, but the 'War on Drugs' is hardly killing our society. Just as Prohibition ended, after many years of corrosive effects, so too will this modern version. The situation is far from hopeless, and there is much that can be done to hasten the day. The opinion leaders in this matter are the so-called 'law-and-order' conservatives: persuade them, and the rest of the country will follow. Good for you for taking on the drug war issue. Demand reduction is vital. It is not fair for us in the rich world to insist that those in the poor world bear the cost and burden of trying to save ourselves from ourselves. Remember those great TV and radio ads from the Advertising Council when media were required to give equal time on cigarette smoking? We still have cigarette smokers, but they are not the hazard they used to be. We still have too many deaths on the highway caused by drunk drivers, and broken families due to alcoholism, but we're far better off and less corrupt than if the Volstead Act were still in place. In private conversation, the US Attorney told me that if drugs were legalized for adults in the United States, he did not think drug usage would increase significantly. He was confident, however, that with sufficient effort, of which vigorous law enforcement was an integral part, we could greatly reduce illegal drug use. Well, he has had his 'War on Drugs,' and I think even he would have to admit that it has not enjoyed success by the standard he set. But the pernicious effects of the 'War on Drugs' continue unabated. RSVP : Write to ' tqe-comment ' followed by ' quaker. Use as Subject the number of the Letter to which you refer. Permission to publish your comment is presumed unless you say otherwise. Please keep it short, preferably under words. To subscribe or unsubscribe, at no cost, visit our home page. Each letter of The Quaker Economist is copyright by its author. However, you have permission to forward it to your friends Quaker or no as you wish and invite them to subscribe at no cost. Please mention The Quaker Economist as you do so, and tell your recipient how to find us on the web. The Quaker Economist is not designed to persuade anyone of anything although viewpoints are expressed. Its purpose is to stimulate discussions, both electronically and within Meetings. Members of the Editorial Board receive Letters several days in advance for their criticisms, but they do not necessarily endorse the contents of any of them. All rights reserved. Permission is hereby granted for non-commercial reproduction. Volume 5, Number TQE Home.

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