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At While some municipalities in Honduras have homicide rates as low as 20 per , all homicide rates in this summary are expressed as homicides per , inhabitants , the most affected cities led by San Pedro Sula, with a rate of In Crime, Violence, and Community-Based Prevention in Honduras , a research report for the World Bank, Louis-Alexandre Berg and Marlon Carranza analyze why some Honduran cities experience such high levels of violence as compared to Honduran cities with lower levels of violence, why crime is concentrated in certain neighborhoods within these cities, and what responses have proven effective at the neighborhood level in high-violence Honduran cities. The authors identify nation-wide sources of violence to include the transnational drug trade, an increase in unemployment due to the global economic crisis in the late s, and municipal inability to maintain basic infrastructure for surging urban populations caused by individuals migrating to the cities in search of manufacturing jobs. However, while acknowledging that there is little neighborhood leaders can do to combat these root issues without coordination with national and international leaders, the article focuses on actions that can be taken at the neighborhood level to mitigate the effect of these issues on individual neighborhoods. Only the capital city Tegucigalpa and the coastal drug smuggling hub San Pedro Sula have higher homicide rates than these three cities. Transit routes along the Honduran coast, where La Ceiba lies, have the highest homicide rates in the country. Choloma and El Progeso, located just south of the coast, sit along a smuggling route that connects Tegucigalpa to San Pedro Sula. The authors selected nine neighborhoods, three from each city, with similar demographics but different levels of violence and conducted a qualitative study to determine the various levels of violence observed in these neighborhoods. The authors found that cohesive communities had most effectively prevented and responded to the growing influence of organized gangs which control large swaths of many Honduran cities. The authors describe cohesive communities as ones which have strong community identities and dense internal ties, often created through the overlapping participation of residents in community organizations such as churches and schools. Neighborhoods with a high percentage of recent migration tended to lack cohesion and trust in the government and often submitted to control of organized criminal groups. To improve cohesion and community collective action at the neighborhood level, the authors recommend policymakers invest in community organizations and target factors that reduce cohesion in neighborhoods such as drug and alcohol consumption and access to firearms. Additionally, strengthening of municipal level planning and responsiveness to neighborhood needs, as well as increased justice sector reform though programs such as expanded local mediation programs in conjunction with community organizations, will engender trust in the government, which does not exist within many neighborhoods. Finally, the authors recommend that policymakers collect systematic neighborhood-level data on the types of crime and risk factors affecting troubled hotspots, in order to develop solutions best suited to address the extreme levels of violence in these at-risk neighborhoods. Jun 03, Highlighted Publications.
Finally, Castro should strive to enforce order and Hide Footnote He is accused of exploiting his position “to facilitate cocaine.
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Editing: Jennifer Avila. Photography: Jorge Cabrera. English editing: Amy Patricia Morales. This shadow, which instills fear in the population, has a face and a name, but it is not said out loud. Edwin is among the few individuals who openly mentions the name Geovanny Fuentes, possibly because of an unexpected visit Fuentes made to his home. First meetup: The Tamarindo Mine. When Fuentes first met Edwin in , he was with two bodyguards. Back then, Fuentes was not well-known, and people just muttered that he owned land in Cerro Negro, in the municipality of Choloma. No one said a word about drugs. Edwin said someone else, Don Manuel, had already shown interest in buying the property, and had a contract already in place. Fuentes left but came back a few days later and asked Edwin to meet him in a restaurant in San Pedro Sula. Much to his surprise, Don Manuel was there with Fuentes and his brother, Cristian. He never paid me. He did not do anything because he thought he is the kind of person you do not mess with. Weeks later, Fuentes wanted to negotiate the price of minerals. They searched for gold, iron, silver, and bronze nonstop. On the strip mine, a man from the community that supported Fuentes agreed to talk to Contracorriente. Those rocks look very shiny, just like silver. I got scared and looked at him. I noticed he was playing around with his gun. I felt like I was thrown off a cliff. Fuentes was always armed and had political connections. According to U. Another ally of his was the former mayor of Choloma, Leopoldo Crivelli. They were at my house and made me an offer regarding the minerals. We will give you , lempiras. We just need your name for the paperwork when the time comes to export minerals. I used to work for Fuad Jarufe. I am a rice expert and I managed a project in the outskirts of Choloma. We would often chat, but that is all. I am a public figure and I was mayor of Choloma for 16 years. You can ask anyone in Choloma who I am, and they will tell you. I have no connections to drug traffickers. I have never consumed cocaine and never owned a gun. I have always minded my own business. Everyone was afraid of him. First, he bribed Leonel Rivera Maradiaga, leader of the Los Cachiros Cartel, by killing a mechanic who spoke badly of him. Leonel Maradiaga denied his participation in the narcotics lab because he preferred to bring cocaine from Colombia and not manufacture it in Honduras. Fuentes also transported drugs for the Valle Cartel, the most powerful cartel in western Honduras before they were brought down in Fuentes carried out his missions transporting drugs successfully and his narcotics lab in Cerro Negro was still producing between and kg of cocaine each month. To produce this amount, he hired two Colombians to cook the drugs and a dozen guards. After the only raid in Cerro Negro in , two murders took place in Choloma that echoed across communities as an act of retaliation. The police officer who organized the raid was later kidnapped by Fuentes and his men. After the defendant was satisfied that the officer had told them the truth about the investigation, the defendant killed the officer, firing three mercy shots to his head. In , his son was gunned down and the case remains unsolved. Locals say it is a shelter for evil spirits. However, in these parts, the specter of death is not just a legend. Second meetup: A reforestation project. He was raised under humble circumstances in a violent country. He studied hard. He worked as a farmer. He started out in a rice production place where he was a rice sweeper. But he worked himself up, Judge. He worked in the textile industry for 26 years as a manager. He started at the bottom, worked his way up to the top. From and , he had a biomass company. However, the Court found him guilty. Burke sought a year prison sentence for his client. We never thought he was a drug trafficker. He was not the eccentric type like many drug traffickers who show their guns and drink excessively; he kept a low profile, but who knows what he did in private. I knew him for his biomass business. Then, the most cunning thing he did was to get rich off land that did not belong to him. And he was backed up by municipal authorities. That was the second time he approached the communities. Don Rafa, leader of the Las Quebradas community, remembers quite well when Fuentes and Crivelli went to his house in Back then, they were already illegally extracting minerals in Tamarindo. There was a meeting where I introduced myself along with two neighbors, and we listened to his offer. They said the project would help communities repair highways, build dispensaries, and provide good wages for those who work in the plant nurseries. The man said that they would build a school in Las Quebradas, and, in exchange, we had to plant trees because we could harvest timber from the forest. Fuentes wanted to grow a tree known as jumbay guaje in Spanish. It is not a very sturdy tree and is often used as food for cattle. That was a common business practice in Agroforestal Fuentes; to take advantage of highly biodiverse land and grind the trees to produce sawdust. Read document here. Gildan is a Canadian textile company that works with many sweatshops in Choloma. It also owns a boiler on the outskirts of the industrial city that generates energy. We requested an explanation from Gildan but they did not reply. We sent emails to two female workers in the communication services in Canada but were ignored. We know that the biomass industry was a cover-up for money laundering. A higher than actual input was declared, and since it was all incinerated to produce energy, there was no control. The inhabitants of local communities safeguard the forests, adamantly opposing any tree felling. Agroforestal Fuentes was established in If they comply with legal requirements, which are minimal in Honduras, they are allowed to. He explained that they worked in groups of ten with chainsaws and other machines to grind wood. However, he slowly outlined a sketch of a violent and angry boss who used to hit his own guards. Fuentes and his men were not able to work in San Antonio de las Quebradas because locals were against it. Fuentes then decided to steal the land of residents who refused to give it away. Mortgages and property fraud. It was until March that locals realized their properties were encumbered. I got mine from my grandfather. The third mortgage was for 9 million and includes more land and two wood grinding machines. There was one last mortgage, a biomass supply contract signed by the Canadian transnational Gildan, for 73 million lempiras. Read documents here. One day after finding out about the auction, Rafa, a community leader in San Antonio de las Quebradas, went to the municipality of Choloma to look at the map of registered properties and check which properties were mortgaged. How is that possible? The foreclosure took place in because Fuentes and his joint guarantors, Frederick and Fuad Jarufe, did not pay. Maribel Espinoza, a lawyer whose law firm represented the bank, said to Contracorriente that the process was abnormal and difficult, probably because of the collusion between the civil court in Choloma and Fuentes. The bank manager suggested three people go into the building to talk. On that day, March 25, there were no bidders. Communities live under the threat of eviction ever since. His house is right in front of Lempira, a school built by the community without any help from Fuentes. The arrest of a drug trafficker marks just the beginning, not the end. In some capacity, whether directly or indirectly, Honduran institutions, including the police, military, municipal, or judicial, and transnational companies such as Gildan, and the banking system, were involved in criminal activities committed by Fuentes. Not every issue is going to be solved in the U. I think it was a collusion between the government and the Institute of Forest Conservation that led to schemes in the Land Registry, but the municipality was not aware of this. The head of the Land Registry and a city councilor were murdered. We contacted the bank and asked under what conditions did Fuentes mortgage those properties and if an inspection took place to verify that he owned the 1, plus hectares of land. Verification was not very thorough and the Land Registry has been under scrutiny for being plagued by corruption. Property deeds were granted even though legitimate owners had the original ones. Files went missing. We went to the National Property Management System and looked up records of properties mortgaged by Fuentes to understand how he became the owner, but there is no record of previous owners, with the exception of a piece of land given away by Fuad Jarufe. These documents can only be obtained from a municipality. How could I allow this? How could I steal land, which I had not seen, that belongs to someone else to benefit this man? I first heard about the mortgages when the auction was taking place. There are rumors he financed my political campaign and gave me , lempiras, but thank God that never happened. Claims from random people are not necessarily true. You can come here and investigate. I can take you there, even though I am no fan of heights. Crivelli lost his fourth reelection, but his daughter, Katia, was elected as congressional member for the Liberal Party, which is led by Yani Rosenthal, a politician who served time in prison in the U. During the interview, he called Iris Pineda, a congressional member of the Libre Party, to whom he claims a report on the case was sent. I would have to look for it among the pile of paper I have at home. In the meantime, communities live under constant threat of eviction. When offers start to come in, we will analyze the situation. When it was time to leave the mountain, as it was getting dark and farmers were leaving the fields to go home, we came across a man on a white horse. His boots were covered in dirt. He said his name was Ezekiel. He talked about politics, religion, and money, three tools of oppression. Your email address will not be published. This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Learn how your comment data is processed. We are an in-depth, digital journalism site which covers the on-the-ground reality of what is happening in Honduras and Central America. We support transmedia communication in order to provide new types of content which help us to change reality by telling it, analysing it, and making those in power uncomfortable. Facebook Twitter Instagram Telegram Whatsapp. ES EN. May 30, In-depth Investigations. Geovanny Fuentes Ramirez used to be a businessman in the timber industry and an ambitious drug trafficker in Choloma, northern Honduras. There, with the connivance of municipal authorities, military and police officers, the support of a transnational Canadian company, and funding from an international bank, he created an illegal mine, a reforestation project, and illegally mortgaged more than hectares of land inhabited and cultivated by communities. Today, three years after Fuentes was apprehended, villagers still live under the threat of eviction because the same institutions that allowed this land dispossession deny responsibility. San Antonio de las Quebradas is a community of about 60 people whose major source of income comes from growing corn and beans. Read documents here One day after finding out about the auction, Rafa, a community leader in San Antonio de las Quebradas, went to the municipality of Choloma to look at the map of registered properties and check which properties were mortgaged. Rafa, leader of San Antonio de las Quebradas, shows the property deed of land that was mortgaged by Geovanny Fuentes. The Lempira school was built by locals. Students have to walk more than 90 minutes from Chachaguala to get there. Ezequiel, a local, cuts wood for a living. Celia Pousset. Sobre Journalist recently graduated from Sciences Po Rennes School of Journalism France , I have worked on issues of gender, justice and inequality in Guatemala and El Salvador, I have ventured into the radio documentary in France on migration. Share this article. Leave a Comment Cancel Reply Your email address will not be published. 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