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Meanwhile, the exquisite colonial architecture of its capital city, Trujillo, makes every corner a scene worthy of a postcard. Trujillo's archaeological riches are an important part of the Moche Route, with monumental ruins like Huaca de La Luna — capital of the Moche civilization for more than six centuries— and the El Brujo Archaeological Complex, where the Lady of Cao tells part of the millenary history of Peru. The Trujillo experience is made complete by beautiful beach resorts like the quaint Huanchaco— claimed by many to be the birthplace of Peruvian ceviche— and local fare bursting with the flavors of the sea. Handicrafts such as wood carvings and modeled ceramics are very popular here. Trujillo is a major exporter of footwear and leather accessories. Projecting from one of the towers, is a clock brought from Spain during the first half of the 19th century. These dazzling Moche structures face each other. The Huaca del Sol Temple of the Sun served as an administrative center. The Huaca de la Luna Temple of the Moon was a ceremonial center. Colorful murals and depictions of the god Ai-apaec are visible on its walls. It consists of streets, walls and pyramidic temples. Its majestic walls decorated with reliefs displaying geometric and zoomorphic beings can still be admired. It has a museum and was declared a World Heritage Site. It is still popular because of its caballitos de totora, small boats which fishermen the area have used for centuries. Location: 60 km to the northwest of Trujillo in the Chicama valley, in the village of Magdalena de Cao 1 hr. The Moche painted their world view on its high adobe walls. The Degollador de Cabezas the Head Cutter is a feature. Historically known as Malabrigo, this was the port of the Casa Grande sugar plantation. It is a compulsory stop for surf lovers. Its wide beach has the longest left-hand wave in the world and is the stage for longboard surf championships. La Libertad Trujillo. Fact sheet. Useful facts. What to buy? What to eat? The Cathedral Location: Main Square. Visiting Hours: Mon-Sun: - hrs. The Chan Chan Citadel Location: 6. Citadel opening hours: Mon-Sun: - hrs. Site Museum: Tues-Sun: - hrs. Huanchaco Seaside Resort Location:

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The Ohio State University. While ethnographic and historiographic research on hip hop has predominantly focused on large metropolises, less attention has been paid to smaller regional cities and the specific ways hip hop travels between urban locales. This paper examines the movements of youth and hip hop practices in Peru, tracing moments of exchange and interaction to contribute an alternative perspective for understanding how hip hop has taken shape across Peru. In much the same way, scholars studying hip hop outside the U. As this theme issue conveys, Latin America and the Caribbean have similarly become the focus of growing research on the particular stories and experiences of hip hop. Within this regional frame, the metropolises in Brazil Pardue , Cuba Baker ; Fernandes , and Colombia Dennis have garnered much scholarly attention. The ethnographic and historical richness of these works, as well as others discussed below, tell us much about the lives and locales from which they emerged, while provoking the examination of the trajectories of hip hop elsewhere and the ways in which they might intersect and diverge. This article pursues this provocation through an examination of some of the parallel and intertwined histories of hip hop practices throughout Peru from the s and s. In tracing these aspects of Peruvian hip hop, this paper grounds the experiences of hiphoperos literally, hip hoppers 2 in the pressures and possibilities they faced around the turn of the twenty-first century. In addition to locating hip hop and its adherents amidst recent social, cultural, political, and economic shifts in Peruvian society, this article focuses on the circumstances and locales often overlooked in analyses of hip hop and globalized cultural media in Peru. The most straightforward sense of this—and the one employed in this paper—deals with the stories of experiences and circumstances within specific places and periods of time. Hip hop histories in this vein have been produced not only by academics from the U. From this perspective, hip hop provides a way to rethink the past and reanimate collective memories, while also forging connections to present conditions and possible—often presumably better—futures. In much the same way that scholars have suggested for Black and Latino youth in the United States Flores ; Kelly ; Keyes ; Rose , hip hop elsewhere, including throughout Latin America and the Caribbean, has facilitated the extension or rerouting of social practices and aesthetic ideals as well as the articulation especially among youth of ethnic and racial memories and identities Dennis ; Fernandes ; Pardue ; Pennycook ; and Miller Pardue and ; Baker ; Forman ; Condry , historiographic and ethnographic accounts of hip hop, especially outside of the U. Though some works on hip hop have specifically focused their analyses on multiple countries e. Tickner ; Bennett or discussed regional scenes within the U. Far from signaling a radical shift in hip hop research, these works fit into and extend the already productive line of inquiry dealing with the uses and meanings of spaces and places for those invested in hip hop Forman and Neal This article builds on this impetus to look at hip hop not only across multiple urban locales of varying sizes, but also the actual processes and experiences through which hip hop has traveled throughout Peru. Thus, this article seeks to draw out some of the diachronic dimensions of hip hop and its intertwined movements within Peru. In doing so, this article offers an understanding of the ways hip hop has taken shape outside of, but not disconnected from, the capital metropolis that is commonly held up as the arbiter of globalized cultural media as well as the standard of urban life and the hip hop experience. Figure 1. Map of Peru. These performative elements include breakdancing, rapping, deejaying, graffiti writing, but also other practices such as beatboxing and styles of dress. For example, hip hoppers in Cusco and Lima described how breakdancing has had a longer history of practice than the other elements. In the same way, Paulo, who has been rapping in Huancayo since the turn of the s, explained that hip hop films, especially Beat Street , and television shows from the United States have inspired breakdance groups as early as the mids. The emcees , you could say, is something that is a little more recent; Personal Interview. BTU 5. It was like water that watered the seed of Rap in our hearts because we began to know the distinct manner of expressing ourselves, a consolation in the nights of loneliness, a light for the timid and the extroverts While describing some of the different ways people came to take up hip hop practices, this excerpt, in describing the internet as a luxury, also speaks to the larger sociocultural and political economic changes taking place in Peru during the mid to late s. During this same time, information and communication technologies ICTs , including the internet, proliferated across Peru. Indeed, as described by BTU above, many hip hoppers recounted how their first encounters with hip hop music and visual culture were at such internet cafes, often with friends or siblings. These places and the access to media they afforded have and still do function as key means of communication among hip hoppers and for the dissemination of their artistic and collective projects. As BTU eloquently describes, such sources may have been more influential for some than the sounds and images of U. Hip hop is not unique in its relationship with globalized media during this time, as evidenced by the meteoric rise in popularity of techno-cumbia in the late s and early s. Compared to its predecessor chicha discussed in the next section , techno-cumbia incorporated even more genres, styles, and electronic instrumentation from abroad Romero The spread and increasing popularity of hip hop music and practices took place within this broader social and musical reorientation that occurred in s Peru which is still playing out , even if it was not necessarily on the radar of the general public and large-scale commercial interests at that time. In addition to shifting signifiers of class, race, ethnicity, and generation that provided a sense of the possibilities that urban youth, especially young men, saw in hip hop, the trend toward the democratization of media and technology allowed hip hoppers to circumvent in some ways dominant structures of distribution that had characterized Peruvian popular music. Personal Interview. It was like an everyday battle with the media so they might begin to pay attention to hip hop culture, you understand? Similarly, finding venues for hip hop events, as well as recording and producing music, were other hurdles. In Cusco, rap performances in the early s took place at punk and rock shows, 11 while in Huancayo during this time, BTU and other rappers and dancers would often perform at parties they or their friends hosted. As hip hop knowledge and practices had been largely relegated to the outskirts of traditional national media and cultural industries, the networks and exchanges among Peruvian hip hoppers both within and between urban locales largely emerged through the initiatives of hip hoppers themselves. Though, of course, facilitated through such things as increased access to technological media, the formation of hip hop organizations such as El Movimiento Hip Hop de Huancayo or Cusco Hip Hop, and the frequency and patterns of movement discussed in the next section , these emergent hip hop circuits created the possibilities of decentering music production and circulation. Established in , this website has played a central role in the coalescing and dissemination of hip hop music, culture, and knowledge in Peru. Nonetheless, his dedicated involvement in aspects of hip hop performance in different parts of the country since the early s has afforded him a unique view of Peruvian hip hop. As he said in an interview:. Pero, el hip hop en estas tres ciudades sigue avanzando. Han habido tres focos, tres pilares principales: Trujillo, Arequipa y Lima. In Peru, the histories \[of hip hop\] are parallel. For example, the three cities that go back in the history \[of hip hop\] here in Peru are Arequipa, Lima, and Trujillo Or it was heard afterward. Here in Lima, according to the history of all the well-known rappers or those that we mainly speak of and that are older, they always mention Max del Solar as a reference. Max del Solar is a b-boy \[English pronunciation\] who now also is an emcee \[English pronunciation\]. So, in Peru, you could say that hip hop simultaneously was born in these three cities that did not have any connection, you understand? But hip hop in these three cities kept advancing. From Trujillo, I came in , I came here to Lima to buy myself some cassettes, with the godfather of hip hop distribution here called Coche Bomba, you understand? We came to Lima to buy because in Lima it was easier to get music, you understand? So, we used to come to Lima, buy, and return to Trujillo So there have been three foci, three main pillars: Trujillo, Arequipa, and Lima. It grew fastest in Lima, being the capital, undeniably. After Lima, it was Trujillo, and after that, Arequipa. And now, Huancayo, there are plenty of rappers in Huancayo In particular, the practice of child circulation in Peru and the Andes, in which children move to live with more well-off kin in a larger city, has become a key strategy for socioeconomic betterment in the face of inequality Leinaweaver ; a; and b. As a result, there are aspects of migration unique to children and youth, through which they come to occupy multiple localities and cultivate translocal social relationships Long The years of conflict from to further complicated these patterns and recent histories of migration, as it displaced approximately , people and orphaned at least 40, children CVR Music has been a central medium through which youth in Peru and other parts of the Andes have dealt with the ambiguities of migration, social mobility, and cultural belonging. Instead, with its mixed musical elements and themes of love and urban experience e. However, this same newfound articulation of Andean identity also precluded its larger acceptance across all sectors of society, 14 especially as many Peruvians came to associate chicha with the individuals and social ills of the urban peripheries where the music originated and was often performed Bullen ; Romero Not surprisingly, the latter has been what Peruvian hip hoppers have long argued often through the works of various kinds of grassroots organizations based around hip hop culture see Jones, but also Pardue Many of the hip hoppers with whom I have spoken had lived in at least two locations during their lives; or if they had lived only in one city, they were often the first or second generation to do so, and still maintained ties to family in other parts of the country. Y la base la pone en la ciudad de Yurimaguas. In the city of Yurimaguas, there were problems with drug trafficking. What did the United States do to control this drug trafficking? Sent the DEA. And they put the base in Yurimaguas. My friend used to go to the North Americans that were in the DEA and ask them for cassettes, ask them for hip hop magazines, and they gave them to us, and we assimilated hip hop. So since we were kids, since grade school, we grew up with hip hop, a lot of hip hop, and good hip hop. In the early to mids, U. Interestingly, it was this presence of U. Ironically, though, it was around the same time that politicians, media, and the general public in the United States frequently targeted rap music as the sonic scourge of society, the soundtrack to the crack cocaine and crime boom that was gripping many U. Yet where hip hop was the terrain of the culture wars in the United States, vilified by an anxious U. Nosotros vamos a Trujillo. Que poco a poco, buscando, buscando, hemos llegado a encontrar. We go to Trujillo \[from Yurimaguas\]. And searching, we were finding. We did it like this—in my house, in their house. This was the thing. That little by little, searching and searching, we have come to find. He then used the music he had acquired in Yurimaguas and also in Lima to spread the word about hip hop in Trujillo, and soon began performing as a rapper, making hip hop connections in Lima, and organizing hip hop events in the late s—encountering the particular difficulties described in the previous section. Many of the hip hoppers I met in Peru placed an importance on documenting the beginnings of hip hop and their efforts to build a scene, not just for personal remembrance, but also as part of an imperative to contribute to the creation of an awareness of the histories of hip hop in their cities, the country, and globally. Unfortunately, he also told me how upset he was when he lost many of them after his backpack was stolen. The outer wall of the recording booth shows the tags of those who have hung out or recorded there. Figure 2. The flyers for events themselves Figures , frequently compiled in albums on social media websites such as Facebook, listed on blogs, or rotated through www. Figure 3. Figure 4. Figure 5. Flier for a concert in Cerro de Pasco circa featuring performances by groups from towns throughout the Mantaro Valley, as well as Lima. Works of graffiti writing similarly document hip hop histories and exchanges. Close inspection of the walls reveals many different designs, telling of the intermingling of writers and hip hoppers from Huancayo and nearby cities, as well as Lima. Figure 6. Huancayo, July Figure 7. Figure 8. Huancayo, July compare to Figure 6. Figure 9. Huancayo, July compare to figure 7. Figure Huancayo, October compare to figures However, unlike the event fliers Figures , the pictures of the same stretches of wall in Huancayo three years apart Figures illustrate how these graffiti images are by no means static. Rather, they provide indicators of ways ongoing social ties and translocal interactions materialize through hip hop in Peru. Furthermore, located in the public eye, these works articulate the tension between desires for visibility and the precariousness of erasure. Conclusion In presenting these particular stories and experiences of Peruvian hip hoppers, it is important to caution against overstating the role of mobility in hip hop and young lives. In Peru, particular technologies and media among other factors allowed for the circulation of hip hop and for multiple hip hop histories to be told. Further, physical movement comprised an integral part of the development of hip hop in Peru as hip hoppers moved between cities, bringing with them hip hop knowledge, artifacts, and practices, as well as establishing important socio-musical ties between cities. However, it must be remembered that not everyone involved in hip hop has equal access to these technologies, media, and mobilities. Thus, these circuits highlight some connections among certain people or places while still sidelining or preventing others—a subject needing further research. Undoubtedly, it has become painfully obvious to researchers over the past two or three decades that the seemingly disparate connections between places and among people cannot be easily bracketed. Moreover, the processes and experiences described in this article offer further clues as to the cultural media through which young people have begun to figure social lives, particularly in ways that reflect longer-standing patterns of movement, cultural appropriation, and the centrality of expressive forms in navigating changing circumstances of Peruvian urban life. Baker, Geoffrey. Bennett, Andy. Popular Music and Youth Culture. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, Bogazianos, Dimitri A. Bullen, Margaret. Burt, Jo-Marie. Cadena, Marisol de la. Ccopa, Pedro Pablo. Chang, Jeff. New York: St. Comaroff, Jean, and John Comaroff. Melissa S. Dennis, Christopher. New York: Lexington Books, Elflein, Dietmar. Fernandes, Sujatha. Cuba Represent! Flores, Juan. New York: Columbia University Press, Forman, Murray. Forman, Murray, and Mark Anthony Neal, eds. The Hip-Hop Studies Reader. New York: Routledge, Geidel, Molly. Greene, Shane. Grem, Darren E. Holmes, Victoria. University of London, Hoyler, Michael, and Christoph Mager. Iskaywari, Fakir Kumya. Jones, Kyle E. Purdue University, Kelly, Raegan. Brian Cross. New York: Verso, Keyes, Cheryl L. Rap Music and Street Consciousness. Kun, Josh. Leinaweaver, Jessica B. Long, Norman. Marquardt, Kairos M. University of Michigan, Maxwell, Ian. Miller, Matt. Mitchell, Tony. Tony Mitchell. Montoya Canchis, Luis W. Ntarangwi, Mwenda. Pardue, Derek. Ideologies of Marginality in Brazilian Hip Hop. Pennycook, Alastair, and Tony Mitchell. Rau, Pilar. San Francisco, Rebaka, Reiland. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, Romero, Raul R. Walter Aaron Clark. New York: Oxford University Press, Roncken, Theo. Rose, Tricia. Roth-Gordon, Jennifer, and T. Solomon, Thomas. Stokes, Susan C. Tickner, Arlene B. Tucker, Joshua. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, Turino, Thomas. Vargas, Roxana. Van Vleet, Krista E. Woldu, Gail Hilson. Notes 1 The data presented in this paper was gathered over six months of ethnographic research in Peru between and While also a literal translation of Spanish hiphopero , a term people often used to describe themselves or others involved in hip hop in various ways, my usage also follows the sentiment of Pardue Ideologies of Marginality For more information, see Lescano et al. Kyle E. His dissertation fieldwork examines the associational life of hip hop across the cities of Cusco, Huancayo, and Lima, Peru. This ethnographic research focuses on a network of hip hop collectivities and the kinds of social relationships they engender, as well as how they mediate youth visibility in public urban life and the broader meanings of youth and urban culture in contemporary Peru. Jones Purdue University While ethnographic and historiographic research on hip hop has predominantly focused on large metropolises, less attention has been paid to smaller regional cities and the specific ways hip hop travels between urban locales. BTU Personal Interview In Peru, the histories \[of hip hop\] are parallel. Personal Interview In the city of Yurimaguas, there were problems with drug trafficking. Personal Interview We go to Trujillo \[from Yurimaguas\]. Huancayo, October compare to figures However, unlike the event fliers Figures , the pictures of the same stretches of wall in Huancayo three years apart Figures illustrate how these graffiti images are by no means static. Condry, Ian. Hip-Hop Japan. Final Report. Lima, Lescano, Miguel et al. Light, Alan, ed. New York: Three Rivers Press, Latin America.

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