Celebrity Studies

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Publisher: Taylor & Francis (Routledge)
Taking its title from the 1994 AT&T commercial starring Whitney Houston, this article examines how Houston’s voice has functioned in the construction of her star persona from her 1985 debut album to her premature death on 11 February 2012, recognising three phases: the formative years (1985–1991); the commercial and artistic high point (1992); and the years of decline (1993–2012). Throughout her career, Houston has been reduced to her vocal instrument, defining both her success (when her voice was most powerful) and her decline (when her voice failed). Houston is similar to other female African American superstars, like Diana Ross and Beyoncé, in the way she has adopted a glamorous crossover pop image that transcends musical categories connoted as ‘black’ such as soul and R&B, often resulting in the criticism that she has ‘sold out’ or is ‘too white’. Yet Houston differs from Ross and Beyoncé in the way her voice is most dominant in the construction of her star persona. Rather than analysing her vocal performances, this article focuses on how her voice plays a pivotal role in Houston’s ‘star image’ and ‘metanarrative of stardom’ by analysing how her voice is emphasised on the production side (albums, music videos, film) as well as the reception side (critical review, tabloid press). Houston’s from-triumph-to-tragedy narrative reveals the tensions that exist between commodification and ‘authenticity’ in the construction of the star persona, which continues to be discussed in racial terms.
The analysis of celebrity, celebrities and celebrity culture is one of the growth industries for the humanities and social sciences over the last decade. Psychologists warn us of the dangers of 'celebrity worship', sociologists interrogate young people about their personal expectations of fame, and even a discipline with as attenuated a relation to popular culture as literary studies now studies such things as 'post-colonial celebrity'. The textual richness of celebrity culture is proving irresistible, and so the fetish for textual analysis that dominated so much of the 1980s has found itself right at home in the study of celebrity. But is this what we want from the study of celebrity? What are the approaches that are most needed, and which are likely to be the most productive for those of us in cultural and media studies for whom celebrity has become part of the heartland for the study of popular culture? This article will discuss some of the options, and in particular it will ask how we might establish a stronger base for the study of the industrial production, as well as the audience consumption, of celebrity.
The beginning of the twenty-first century saw a vast expansion of media aimed at the pre-adolescent female consumer demographic. Through an analysis of Hannah Montana, and in particular its lead character Miley Stewart/Hannah Montana and star Miley Cyrus, this article argues that tween popular culture uses celebrity as an allegory for growing up female. Drawing upon the concept from within girlhood studies, it demonstrates that the girl ‘becoming’ a woman is paralleled with the girl ‘becoming’ a celebrity. Both are highly invested in formulations of the real and authentic, and Hannah Montana highlights this significance of the notion of staying true to yourself through celebrity, as a way of making sense of the tween’s growing up female. Fitting in with the broader contemporary postfeminist and neoliberal cultural context, Hannah Montana employs the narrative of a perpetual makeover, addressing the tween as a self-surveilling subject who must continually work to retain an ‘authentic’ self as she progresses towards womanhood. Both the onscreen girl and celebrity, Miley Stewart/Hannah Montana, and the franchise’s star, Miley Cyrus, are constructed as simultaneously becoming a woman and becoming a celebrity, and the three personae become more enmeshed as the series nears its end; the franchise draws upon the off-screen persona of Miley Cyrus to further parallel becoming a woman and becoming a celebrity and to emphasise the investment in the real. This article demonstrates that tween popular culture addresses the young, female viewer in terms of her becoming woman by teaching the importance of investing in celebrity, and effectively preparing her for the consumption of adult female films and television programmes.
Today a celebrity’s death becomes a media event. Television, print, and online news sources can spend weeks covering these deaths, many times reporting the same information in different ways to keep the story alive. But how did celebrity death coverage take on such a life of its own? This article uses historical research to suggest that television entertainment/news magazine Entertainment Tonight’s coverage of Natalie Wood’s and John Belushi’s deaths in 1981 and 1982 respectively helped create a televised style of celebrity death coverage that informs how today’s media covers celebrity death. This is examined through personal interviews with those behind Entertainment Tonight’s coverage of Wood and Belushi, as well as analysis of the actual episodes that aired. The resulting information opens a historical window into how Entertainment Tonight and its early coverage of celebrity death became a driving force behind this type of television news coverage.
The YouTube celebrity is a novel social phenomenon. YouTube celebrities have implications for the social and cultural study of celebrity more generally, but in order to illustrate the features of vlogging celebrity and its wider dimensions this article focuses upon one case study – Charlie McDonnell and his video ‘How to be English’. The premise of YouTube – ‘Broadcast yourself’ – begs the question ‘but what self?’. The article argues that the YouTube celebrity is able to construct a celebrity persona by appealing to aspects of identity, such as nationality, and using them as a mask(s) to perform with. By situating Charlie’s ‘How to be English’ in the context of establishing celebrity, the article argues that the processes of celebrification and ‘self-branding’ utilise the power of identity myths to help assist the construction of a celebrity persona. Use of masks and myths allows for one to develop various aspects of their persona into personas. One such persona for Charlie is his ‘Englishness’. As the social experience of ‘Broadcasting yourself’ necessarily asks one to turn ordinary aspects of their person into extra-ordinary qualities, Charlie’s use of Englishness allows ‘being English’ to become a mythological device to overcome the problem of ‘self-promotion’.
Publicised, promoted and received as an erotic female object, Marilyn Monroe's celebrity image represented both ‘pure’ femininity and ‘immoral’ female sexuality for post-war American culture. However, her film performances reveal an embodied female subject, and the self-awareness, irony and contradiction in her roles often elicit sympathetic female identification. Focusing on the first years of her career as a star between 1952 and 1954, while she worked under contract at 20th Century Fox, this essay will account for the mechanisms by which the industry positioned and contained Monroe as a ‘sex symbol’ who broke social taboos, but never dismantled the ideological hegemony of straight, male sexuality. At the same time, this essay will investigate the extent to which her performances expose the patriarchal identificatory systems that helped commodify and circulate her image as a metonym for normative female sexuality in the 1950s.
Research into celebrity and environmentalism has largely focused on studying how someone who is already famous – who is a ‘celebrity’ – uses this status to advance an activist agenda. However, there is a second category of celebrity activist which has, thus far, largely been overlooked. Inspired by Street (2004), this article considers the conceptual utility of differentiating between the celebrity activist (CA1) – defined as an entertainer or other prominent figure who uses their celebrity status to undertake activism – and the celebrity activist (CA2), who is defined as an individual who gains celebrity status as result of their activism. Against a backdrop of other efforts to categorise celebrity activists, this article presents an exploratory, qualitative media frame analysis of British climate activist Tamsin Omond. The primary focus is on three articles, two from tabloid newspapers (The Daily Mail and The Sun) and one from a broadsheet newspaper (The Sunday Times). It shows that, despite coming to notoriety through her activism, Omond’s media’s framing still drew upon her privileged background, but that how this was done depended on the politics and orientation of the newspaper. The article concludes by arguing that the representation of celebrity activists (CA2), like traditional celebrities (CA1), ultimately reinforces the codes of hyper-individualisation promoted by consumer culture. It points to the need for further research into these changing political media and activist landscapes whereby not only do celebrities become activists, but activists themselves become celebrities.
In November 2007, the media around the globe were transfixed by US student Amanda Knox, an alleged participant in the sexual assault and murder of her flatmate Meredith Kercher in Perugia, Italy. Her celebrity status was established within days of the murder, and at the end of 2008 she was voted Woman of the Year by an Italian TV station, ahead of Carla Bruni and Sarah Palin. The focus of this study is the representation of Amanda Knox in the UK media, particularly the coverage offered by the Daily Mail. The Mail has shown a detailed and sustained interest in the case throughout, its focus on her character and personal life helping to secure Knox's status as a celebrity murderess (and, in the wake of her acquittal in October 2011, as an apparent celebrity victim of injustice). Focusing on the Mail’s narratological strategies, as well as its rhetorical ones, this study explores connections between celebrity, sex and violence in order to assess what the Knox phenomenon reveals about contemporary attitudes towards transgressive female sexuality. Under scrutiny are the ways in which the celebrity crime figure Amanda Knox has been represented, and how these representations conform to dominant ideological constructions of the violent female.
Animal celebrity is a human creation informing us about our socially constructed natural world. It is relational, expressive of cultural proclivities, political power plays and the quotidian everyday, as well as serious philosophical reflections on the meaning of being human. This article attempts to outline some key contours in the genealogy of animal celebrity, showing how popular culture, including fairground attractions, public relations, Hollywood movies, documentary films, zoo attractions, commercial sport and mediatised moral panics – particularly those accompanying scientific developments such as cloning – help to order, categorise and license aspects of human understanding and feelings. The nature of [animal] charisma and celebrity are explored with assistance from Jumbo the Elephant, Guy the Gorilla, Paul the clairvoyant octopus, Uggie the film star, Nénette the orang-utan and Dolly the sheep. It argues that the issue of what it is to be human lies beneath the celebritised surface or, as Donna Haraway noted, the issue ‘of having to face oneself’.
Steven Daigle occupies a unique position in celebrity discourse in that he has made the successful transition from a reality TV star on series 10 of American Big Brother (CBS) to a career in hard-core gay pornography. It is the aim of the essay to examine this shift by considering the representation of Daigle in Big Brother and his debut porn feature Steven Daigle XXXPosed (2010). It also focuses on the paradoxes and connections between celebrity, reality TV and pornographic representation. More specifically, it will consider the rhetorical construction of reality and fantasy and how other factors such as the relationship between the ordinary and extraordinary, the seen and unseen and public and private domains, contribute to an understanding of sexual identity. The article will also suggest that when some of the techniques and features used in reality TV and pornography intersect they have the potential to transform how we understand reality TV and porn-stars and the discourses associated with them.
This paper investigates fashion model Kate Moss as an icon of postfeminist disorder by unpacking artist Marc Quinn's recent sculptures of her. A feminist media-studies analysis elucidates Quinn's interpretation of Moss as ‘a knotted Venus of our age' by interrogating his textual juxtaposition of Eastern and Western symbolism. It reveals that Moss offers meanings of female beauty and sexuality that play with notions of indulgence and discipline, and the blurred interconnections between the two underlie her aesthetic and celebrity status. Quinn's depictions lend themselves to an interpretation of the cultural conflicts that surround the pursuit and embodiment of femininity in our contemporary epoch. In this light, Moss' representations and lifestyle situate her as a cultural agent of postfeminist disorder who advocates powerful and problematic messages that commodify cultural meanings of the female body.
History, celebrity and everyday experience are often intimately woven together in ways that scholars have not yet rigorously investigated through the lens of temporality. In this article, I will examine the discursive convergence of unlikely narratives – often through the historical happenstance of their simultaneous occurrence – and argue that such convergences are fundamental to the ways in which celebrity life narratives circulate, evolve and are revised within culture. I will propose the method of historical adjacency for illuminating such convergences and use the life of Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis as a case study to examine the insight gained through analysis of such convergences, focusing particularly upon the revival of interest in her in 2001 and the co-opting of her life narrative into the contemporary narrative of female strength and dignity post 9/11.
This article considers ageing fandom and celebrity as focused on a single figure – the intersectional fan-celebrity. Contra work in celebrity studies which has focused predominantly on ageing female celebrities, and work in fan studies which has addressed the ‘fanboy auteur’ rather than other intersections between celebrity and fandom, I focus on the ageing male actor-fan, taking Peter Capaldi as a case study. Capaldi was 55 years old when cast as the 12th Doctor in BBC’s Doctor Who, but had been a fan of the series since his 1960s childhood. I analyse how Capaldi has been subjected to ageist press coverage of his time in Doctor Who, before addressing how his enduring fan identity has been discursively managed as ‘good’ fandom; how it has complicated ideologies of celebrity by supporting a ‘Fan Dream’ of crossing over into official production; and how it has intensified celebrity’s ‘housing of affect’. The ageing fan-celebrity thus offers a way to disavow social ageing in favour of romanticising childhood ‘originary affect’ which can be (re-)claimed in adult professional life.
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Society volume 47, pages419–423(2010)Cite this article
Celebrity, being often unearned and ephemeral, is the lowest form of fame. Nevertheless, it’s a real and fascinating display of personal significance in our time. Celebrities are, of course, questionable role models, but characters of strange and singular greatness such as Elvis and Michael Jackson, everyone knows, aren’t really to be imitated. Celebrities, although they often have interesting political and spiritual opinions, are easily distinguished from political leaders. Celebrity, I show, is more a downside than not of democracy.
Celebrity, in the most obvious sense, is the lowest form of fame. Being a celebrity is a sort of gift of public opinion, which is formed by no one in particular. And so celebrity is as ephemeral as public opinion itself. Celebrity is like a gift in often being unearned and somewhat arbitrary. Although it’s not as mysterious and unconditional as, say, the gift of grace, being a celebrity, despite all the marketing experts in the world, continues to elude rational control.
A celebrity isn’t generally infamous, although they’re often adulterers and have spent time in rehab. (They can even spend time in rehab, like Tiger Woods, to be cured of the mega-adultery caused by sex addition—a disorder that causes celebrities to have sex with lots of partners but not enjoy it.) Sometimes they’ve even been convicted of crimes, and sometimes, as in the case of the “lovable goof” ex-governor and celebrity apprentice Rod Blogojevich, their convictions are only a matter of time. But it’s almost impossible for a murderer or child molester or tax evader to become a celebrity simply by committing spectacular crimes.
It’s pushing it to call the Unabomber a celebrity, although he turned out to be a pretty thoughtful guy. The same with the abortion clinic bomber Eric Rudolph, although he turned out to be a very resourceful guy. Bonnie and Clyde might have been celebrity murderers, but without any opportunity to cash in on their fame. Today, we have more trouble than ever in connecting celebrity with hiding out or being on the run. It’s certainly pushing it to regard J.D. Salinger as having been a celebrity, although we can definitely say that he (inexplicably) passed up the opportunity to be a celebrity.
One definition of celebrity, of course, is being able to cash in on one’s fame. Celebrities don’t go on celebrity cruises or endorse products or make public appearances for free. The often somewhat mysterious ability to make so much for doing so little is the main reason sensible people envy celebrities. Our Founding philosopher, John Locke (who did what he could to live as a celebrity while he was alive) didn’t actually say work was a good or noble thing, and so we can’t help but look up to people who have either worked or lucked their way out of it. Besides, celebrities so clearly are better at using their money for real fun than uptight CEOs. And fun is more fun when it’s noticed; the rank that celebrity provides cries out to be displayed through its privileges. The link between celebrities and their public is the one between exhibitionism and voyeurism, a pretty impersonal but nonetheless real expression of soci
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