Buying weed Meknes

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Buying weed Meknes

Welcome to Meknes, Morocco! As a traveler, you may be curious about finding weed during your stay. While marijuana is illegal in Morocco, there are still some options available if you are looking to purchase cannabis. It is crucial to note that Morocco has strict drug laws, and the possession, sale, or use of marijuana can lead to severe penalties. Despite these laws, some underground cannabis dispensaries may operate in Meknes. Another option is to use a discreet weed delivery service in Meknes. These services can provide convenience and privacy while ensuring access to Cannabis. Just remember to be cautious and aware of the legalities surrounding cannabis in Morocco. Compliance and responsible consumption are key to maintaining a safe and positive experience during your travels. Finding weed in Meknes can be challenging due to its illegal status in Morocco. One option is to find a local cannabis dispensary in Meknes. Keep in mind that these dispensaries may operate underground and not openly advertise their services. Best weed delivery service in Meknes However, connecting with locals who are familiar with the cannabis scene can help you discover these hidden gems. Word of mouth and asking trustworthy sources can be a great way to find reliable cannabis suppliers in Meknes. Another convenient option is to use a weed delivery service. These services can provide discreet and convenient access to marijuana without the need to visit a physical dispensary. They often operate through online platforms and ensure privacy and security in delivering your order. Where to find weed in Meknes Look for reputable delivery services that have positive reviews and a track record of reliable and discreet transactions. Remember to verify the legitimacy of these services before making a purchase to ensure a safe and positive experience. Weed shop in Meknes Marijuana is illegal in Morocco, and being caught with it can lead to severe legal consequences. Stay informed about the current laws and regulations regarding marijuana in Morocco to make informed decisions and prevent any legal complications. Remember to exercise caution and prioritize your safety and legal compliance when searching for and purchasing weed in Meknes. By being aware of the risks and making informed decisions, you can navigate the cannabis scene with more confidence. The possession, sale, and use of marijuana are illegal, and breaking these laws can result in severe penalties. However, it is worth noting that the enforcement of these laws can vary. While cannabis is considered illegal nationwide, some regions have a thriving cannabis industry. Despite the existence of a cannabis industry in certain areas, it is important to proceed with caution and respect the laws in place. Understanding the legal risks involved can help you make informed decisions and avoid potentially devastating consequences. Moreover, considering the potential risks associated with cannabis use is crucial. Using cannabis, legal or not, can have adverse effects on both mental and physical health. Prioritizing your well-being and making educated choices is key to responsible cannabis consumption. All you have to do is follow his instructions. Just send him an email at jangamanmedical gmail. He dont have Telegram channels so just click his telegram link and contact him directly. Thanks for sharing your plug. I contacted him on his telegram and due to security reasons he requested crypto payments which i did. I guess this guy is just the best in Meknes. Straight forward to order, always great stock,fantastic customer service,speed of light postage,could not ask for more. Highly recommend. Thank you all in the comment section for recommending jangamanmedical gmail. Your email address will not be published. Save my name, email, and website in this browser for the next time I comment. Key Takeaways While finding weed in Meknes can be challenging, underground cannabis dispensaries and weed delivery services may be available. Morocco has strict drug laws, and the possession, sale, or use of marijuana can lead to severe penalties. It is crucial to exercise caution and respect the laws of the country when considering purchasing cannabis in Meknes. Using a discreet weed delivery service can provide convenience and privacy while ensuring access to marijuana. Compliance and responsible consumption are essential for a safe and positive experience during your travels in Morocco. Local Cannabis Dispensaries One option is to find a local cannabis dispensary in Meknes. Ask locals who are open-minded and knowledgeable about the cannabis culture in Meknes Reach out to expat communities or online forums for recommendations and connections Look for discrete and low-profile establishments that may be less likely to draw unwanted attention Weed Delivery Services Another convenient option is to use a weed delivery service. Option Advantages Considerations Local Cannabis Dispensaries — Potential to find high-quality products — Chance to connect with the local cannabis community — Underground and not openly advertised — May be challenging to find — Legal risks if caught Weed Delivery Services — Convenient and discreet access to marijuana — Secure and private transactions — Need to verify the legitimacy of the service — Potential legal risks — Reliability of delivery Remember to exercise caution and prioritize your safety and legal compliance when searching for and purchasing weed in Meknes. No, marijuana is illegal in Morocco. Possessing, selling, or using marijuana can result in severe penalties. Are there cannabis dispensaries in Meknes? While cannabis dispensaries may exist in Meknes, they are often underground operations and not openly advertised. Can I use a weed delivery service in Meknes? Yes, using a weed delivery service can provide discreet and convenient access to marijuana in Meknes. What are the potential legal consequences of purchasing weed in Meknes? Possessing small amounts of marijuana for personal use may result in a fine or imprisonment. However, the enforcement of these laws can vary. What should I consider when purchasing cannabis in Meknes? It is important to exercise caution and respect the laws of the country when it comes to cannabis in Morocco. Additionally, be aware of the potential risks associated with using cannabis. Leave a Reply Cancel reply Your email address will not be published.

12 Frequently Asked Questions before you travel to Morocco

Buying weed Meknes

The Rif and California: Environme This chapter explores the different forms of environmental violence practised against humans and nature including the cannabis plant in a context of intensive cannabis cultivation. In particular, it examines the effects of the industrial farming of cannabis since the s on water, land, forests, animals and farmers. It also investigates the exploitation of the labour force, which has comprised vulnerable populations, especially women and landless agricultural workers since Rifian agriculture was first integrated into colonial capitalism in Morocco. While this study focuses on the Moroccan territory, the situation presented is by no means unique at the global level. The phenomenon can be seen developing both within a framework of prohibition and when legal and illegal actors adopt a capitalist system of exploitation, as is the case in California. This paper examines industrial cannabis farming practices that pose an environmental risk. The many uses of cannabis for ecological purposes rehabilitation of contaminated soils, replacement of forest products, etc. It should be noted that the recreational and medicinal uses considered in this study are not the only potential uses of cannabis, which has also historically been used in the South for the manufacture of environmentally friendly products in domains such as food, textiles and cosmetics. However, these products, whether for commercial or family use, have been replaced by synthetic fabrics and plastic products, whose production and consumption are harmful to the environment. Significantly, cannabis-based products have made a recent comeback in the cannabis markets of industrialised countries, where many companies are now manufacturing cannabis-based foods and cosmetics. I would like to thank Khalid Mouna, for his comments and suggestions on an earlier version of this text and also Najib Akesbi for giving me access to his work on Moroccan agriculture. I am also grateful to Abdellatif Adebib and Marta Jonville for our exchanges and for always being on hand when I needed them. My thanks go also to Anthony Silvaggio for sharing information on the environmental consequences of the cannabis industry in California. It is now a multifaceted sector in terms of the products it offers, the large number of cannabis-producing countries involved, the mass of producers with different know-how, the many plant varieties grown and the very different qualities of cannabis weed, resin, oil and other preparations. The words used to refer to cannabis also tell their own story Afsahi, a. The past decade in particular has seen significant changes in the cultivation techniques used in European and North American countries, where cannabis cultivation has increased with the emergence of new ways of disseminating know-how, online seed outlets and shops selling indoor growing equipment to the public. These factors have all contributed to the diversification of products available. The result has been a cultivated plant Gerber, that has sustained uncontrolled hybridisation over decades of prohibition Afsahi, b. In the s, agro-export models, driven by an increased demand for cannabis, led to intensive farming in the South and even to monoculture in some areas. This trend was to shift for the US a decade later with the criminalisation of cannabis cultivation and use Corva, There was a considerable expansion in cannabis-growing acreage in Morocco in the s, due to a rising European demand for hashish cannabis resin and declining production in Lebanon and Afghanistan. The s saw California become the first US state to legalise cannabis for medicinal use Corva, ; Silvaggio, a and b. At the same time, Morocco was experiencing episodic crackdowns on growers and the destruction of cannabis fields in response to international pressure, which, perversely, had the effect of intensifying cannabis cultivation in the country. In , meanwhile, Colorado and Washington became the first US states to legalise cannabis for recreational use following a referendum in each state. This expansion is, however, having the same multiple environmental consequences as legal intensive agriculture, including soil depletion, loss of biodiversity, water pollution, increasing water scarcity and health risks to farmers and consumers. These impacts are very rarely measured or taken into account. From an economic and social point of view, these new, increasingly technology-driven cultivation practices mechanisation, irrigation, chemicals, commodification of seeds have created tensions between small farmers and large landowners, who have easy access to resources and a labour force made up of the most vulnerable populations, namely women, children and seasonal workers. It is now grown just about everywhere on the planet and has adapted to diverse climatic conditions not just outdoors but also indoors, for example in warehouses, greenhouses and cupboards with artificial lights and soils. Environmental questions, if they were considered at all, were secondary for both actors. Nevertheless, the environmental argument has been put forward many times to show the benefits of cannabis insulative, depolluting, etc. It focuses on different forms of environmental violence against natural resources, humans and the cannabis plant, in a context of intensive cultivation. This analytical framework takes into account not just social damage but also plant protection, the violence plants are subjected to and the environmental and health impacts of intensive crop farming. The environmental crimes considered here also extend beyond those that have been defined by law. This approach, which is rooted in the field of actor-network sociology Latour, , attaches importance to non-human objects as actors in their own right. It will examine a range of social, economic, political and cultural practices that reflect a different way of telling the story of nature, a notion that seems to be taking on new meaning for growers today. It will also look at the exploitation of the labour force, which has comprised vulnerable populations, especially women and landless agricultural workers ever since Rifian agriculture was first integrated into colonial capitalism in Morocco. While the study focuses on the Moroccan territory, the situation presented is by no means unique at the global level. The phenomenon can be seen developing both within a framework of prohibition, and when legal and illegal actors adopt a capitalist system of exploitation and try to find an alternative to this ultimately doomed situation. The experiences of Morocco and the US state of California have been drawn on here as fitting examples because their differentiated regulations regarding cannabis cultivation show that the mechanisms put in place for indoor and outdoor production limit the consideration of environmental issues. It is thus impossible to measure the effects of cannabis cultivation over the space of just a few years. Moreover, it is difficult to approach the problem of environmental crime in a now globalised market at the level of a single social group and a single space. This analysis therefore needed to take into account several different levels of scale geographical, historical, etc. It compares the practices of actors in the South the Rif and in the North California to reveal two conceptions of a relationship to the environment in two different legislative, economic and technical contexts. The study is based on observations and informal, semi-structured interviews carried out on a sample of diverse actors in Morocco farmers, cooperatives, etc. These data were supplemented by exchanges with American researchers and by documentary research on the environmental question as it related to cannabis cultivation in California. This over-exploitation has also impacted workers, particularly the most vulnerable, including women and landless agricultural workers. The second part of the chapter will attempt to show how environmental violence in the South has spread to industrialised countries. They used it in food, medicine and religious rituals, as well as for technical and recreational purposes or simply to help them endure harsh labour conditions Afsahi, a. It would be grown in small quantities in gardens alongside traditional crops, either for domestic use or to sell at market. France appropriated fertile land in various regions of Morocco to develop industrial plantations Pascon, ; Lazaret, \[\]. Between and , the French protectorate issued a number of dahirs decrees , which were modified over time in response to the context of international prohibition, to regulate the cultivation, sale a nd use of cannabis Afsahi, The Spanish authorities tolerated cannabis cultivation in their protectorate to win over the Berber tribes. They levied taxes on the kif produced, and because they did not have access to the useful agricultural areas of Morocco, they exploited the Rif woodlands for timber. Prohibition created spaces for deviance. New tensions drove the farmers to brutally exploit the land. The government, which was trying to eradicate cannabis cultivation in the Rif, met with resistance from farmers and suspended its efforts. In the Rif, where the terrain is very rugged, monoculture involves small areas of land, sometimes even parcels of land, devoted to a single, aligned, standardised cannabis crop. This monoculture has reshaped the Rif landscape and replaced the former multi-crop landscape described below:. Every house had its own milk, butter and honey Rif farmer, interview Local populations no longer allowed the land to rest from one year to the next to increase its fertility, but instead used fertilisers or moved crops into the forests to conceal them better or to take advantage of more humus-rich soil. Cannabis revenues improved the livelihoods of poor populations and created new needs. This new economy also led to the emergence both of a new poor population that was dependent on the cannabis market and of more powerful actors with access to transnational trafficking networks. Nature was seen as independent of those who had inhabited and preserved it for centuries, and who would continue to use it and benefit from it. In the s, due to a lack of land and in response to tightened forestry controls, some farmers began to go in search of new arable land, particularly in the province of Taounate. In partnership with local producers, they rented land in the traditional growing areas and experimented with production processes that had been difficult to implement for topological reasons fertilisers and pesticides, tractors, modern irrigation systems. These new farms, especially in Chefchaouen province, practised monoculture in large irrigated valleys. This modern style of agriculture incorporated hydraulic systems dams and the development of pesticides and fertilisers. Hence, even though it was not known as an agricultural territory, the Rif was the second region in Morocco to use fertilisers Akesbi, Throughout this period, a number of programmes were introduced across Morocco, encouraging mechanisation and the excessive monoculture of legal crops. As a result, Moroccans today depend on international markets for their basic food supply Akesbi, Farmers have thus taken over the forests and communal lands, created tracks for transporting the hashish, dug wells, modified their dwellings and invested in tractors when the land has been flat enough. They have, completely illegally, created an agro-export system that is identical to that created by the state in other agricultural regions. This approach has not, however, prevented the state from prosecuting them, and thousands have had arrest warrants issued against them or been sent to prison. The gap between a very rich minority and almost the entire impoverished population has led to a new phase of deforestation and fighting for natural resources, even within families. Family solidarity has thus given way to competition between family members Mouna, and all that this implies in terms of parcelling out land with increasingly reduced surface areas. As the area for cannabis cultivation has expanded beyond the historical growing area, there has been a rationalisation of both the territory and the lands used for cultivation, which are now characterised by increasingly rectilinear forms and controlled with modern production methods. The fact that this land is entirely given over to cannabis plantations has created ecological simplifications Tsing, and reduced biodiversity in the Rif. Crop diversity, which used to limit both nature-related and commercial risks, has disappeared along with market gardens, residential gardens, fruit trees except olive trees , some traditional livestock and some wild animals, such as monkeys and wolves, as this farmer from the historical cultivation area recounted:. There used to be hyenas, my father told me. The last panther was killed in the mountains in the 50s by a Spanish officer, a white panther with black spots. With the loss of traditional family farming, farmers are increasingly dependent on markets for food. Nature has thus been subordinated and commodified by humans for greater economic profitability with no concern for the environmental consequences Petel, Today, this poses a real challenge for Rifian populations, given the substantial pressure on groundwater and surface water for agricultural use. Throughout Morocco, with recurrent droughts, farmers are now dependent on irregular rainfall. At the beginning of the twentieth century, droughts in Morocco occurred only once every eleven years. By the s, this had increased to once every seven years, and by the s there was a drought every two years. In and , the country recorded two consecutive years of drought for the first time Akesbi, These droughts have led to pressure on the woodland environment, pasturelands and water tables, whose reserves are declining. New patterns of water use have emerged that are no longer characterised by the sharing of water resources, but by conflicts between small farmers and large landowners, who can afford to dig wells and build reservoirs. This situation brings us back to the question of environmental justice. Regarding water as a shared social and cultural good is thought to lead, in a context of no state control, to continuing environmental inequality between growers in terms of their access to and use of water Belaidi, It has created a divide between those who own the fertile soils, agricultural acreage, water sources and labour force needed for cannabis cultivation and production, and those who do not. Even within the same territory, the intensification of crop production has generated considerable wealth for some villages those with large tracts of irrigable land where mechanisation is possible and none for others those with only small parcelled acreages, usually situated at high altitudes. This has created tensions and has even led to instability. Their stories about natural resources and animals have also changed. For example, many of the farmers argued that the more fertiliser and pesticides they used, the better the soil would be. As Salvador pointed out, historically, workers in industries that have caused significant environmental damage, such as the chemical industry, have tended to defend their production methods and those of polluting enterprises more generally. Their jobs took precedence over their health and that of their descendants. The author thus shows that the environmental question is closely linked to the social dimension. Although the farmers have cleared much of the woodland area, most have continued to consider olive trees as sacred. They are the only fruit trees that can be seen still standing in the cannabis fields. Furthermore, the farmers of Ketama look on the cedar forests of Mount Tidirhine as their inviolable heritage and have protected them from timber traffickers. Because the rugged terrain has prevented the mechanisation of some cannabis farms, thousands of workers with either precarious status paid workers or servants or invisible status undocumented workers are used at all stages of cultivation and production, namely sowing, weeding, thinning out, harvesting, drying and storage, sieving, pressing and selling Afsahi, These workers, who are employed largely because of their vulnerability women, seasonal agricultural workers, children , perform the most gruelling tasks in the cultivation process. The women are generally involved in the weeding, thinning out removal of male plants and harvesting, rather than the more technical activities such as sowing and production. Neither do they take part in the more visible activities, such as transportation and retail, but are instead used to free up the men for these tasks Afsahi, The low visibility of women conceals a gender division in domestic roles as well as certain internal selection mechanisms Frau, and many inequalities. Some of the tasks they are given are incorporated within domestic work more broadly, which increases their invisibility Krinsky and Simonet, In addition to their domestic tasks, women are given the role of looking after the livestock and the children, and fetching firewood and water. They are also responsible for preparing meals for the seasonal farm workers. Very occasionally, women replace men in the retail task. This only happens when the men are in prison or, in the case of some fishing villages, out at sea for long periods. As workers, daughters, mothers and wives they are burdened with many tasks and have little autonomy. They have a considerable, often unpaid workload, and they receive no social recognition or personal income. These workers come from all over Morocco, but particularly from the communes bordering the historical cultivation area of the central Rif. Seasonal migration from some urban areas is common, notably from Meknes and Fez as well as some more distant cities such as Kenitra. The agricultural workers negotiate their daily wage with the chief of each tribe according to seniority, know-how and supply and demand. A distinction is made between multiskilled workers, who are able to help with domestic or agricultural tasks or even with road construction and marking, and specialist workers, who work solely on transforming the cannabis plants into resin. These latter workers are the more in-demand of the two types, especially in the new cultivation areas that have not yet acquired this specific know-how. Recruitment is based on trust. An employer will ask a good worker to come back the following year, and a good worker is able to recommend a new worker. Workers are also recruited at markets or in the countryside, where foreign workers are highly visible because they can be seen travelling with their personal belongings across territories according to the seasonal harvesting cycles, seeking out any contracts employers are willing to offer them. Despite being paid, seasonal agricultural workers constitute precarious and invisible labour. Very rarely do they have a voice or the right to participate in a decision Mouna, Given the globalisation of the cannabis market, it is essential for harmful impacts, whether legal or illegal, to be considered in an international context. Countries are attempting to create regulated markets at every stage, from cultivation through to consumption, with the aims of reducing or even replacing the illegal market, adding economic value to the product through taxation, and protecting human health. As a result, the market is booming, and many industrialists are looking to invest in and exploit cannabis in a number of different sectors, including construction, textiles, food, medicine, cosmetics and recreation. As such, they are in competition with cannabis producers in the South. However, very few human and social science studies have examined the environmental consequences of industrialisation and the growth of the cannabis market in industrialised countries. Moreover, the arguments in favour of legalisation and the issues at stake have focused on economic, social and public health benefits without taking into account environmental damage. The local industry subsequently developed through an underground network of producers, consumers and dealers Rendon, Since the s, California has been known for producing some of the best cannabis products in the world. Initially, cannabis cultivation had little impact on the environment in California. However, after decades of logging and poor land management, and following the legalisation of cannabis for medical use in , California entered a new phase in its industrialisation of cannabis. Not only did cultivation increase from 20 or 30 plants per farm to plantations containing hundreds or even thousands of cannabis plants, with all the associated harmful consequences for the physical environment, this new agriculture created a real need for workers who would cultivate, harvest and sell the cannabis. Local workers were soon joined by young, international, seasonal workers. This over-exploitation of the natural environment has also been facilitated by a number of legal grey areas. Most growers in the region conceal their crops or say that they are intended for medical use or for dispensaries licensed since In reality, only a tiny fraction of production is destined for this legal market. Domestic cannabis cultivation, which has been developed in most industrialised countries to avoid control measures and unfavourable climatic conditions, uses a highly controlled environment for growing lamps and irrigation. It has also introduced many new techniques to influence the growth cycle of cannabis, for example by crossing multiple varieties to create new varieties with higher THC levels, increased yields or new tastes and effects. In California, indoor cultivation has created a production environment that is suited to the hybridisation of different varieties of cannabis plants with specific characteristics, such as a shorter growing time, higher potency or a particular smell, making Californian cannabis among the most famous varieties in the world Silvaggio, a and b. Indoor production, whether small- or large-scale, requires large amounts of fossil energy to power generators, lighting and advanced climate control systems. Mills observed that the emerging industry of indoor cannabis cultivation both legal and illegal uses energy-intensive control processes. He estimated that cannabis cultivation accounted for 1 per cent of national electricity consumption, which was equivalent to USD 6 billion in the case of the US. An average kilogram of end product is associated with 4, kg of carbon dioxide emissions. Indoor cannabis cultivation is believed to account for 3 per cent of energy consumption in the state of California Silvaggio, a and b. Moreover, Ward reports that the packaging for one gram of cannabis concentrate can weigh up to 30 times more than the product itself. Researchers have noted that environmental crime has been exported from developed to developing countries South, This can certainly be seen in the period following the intensification of cannabis cultivation in the South in response to increased demand for cannabis in industrialised countries from the s onwards. However, today, prohibition and new regulations accompanied by the rise in cannabis cultivation appear to be producing relatively similar levels of environmental damage in both developed and developing countries, albeit environmental inequalities remain Chancel, These are defined as unequal access to natural resources and unequal exposure to environmental harm and risks Hache, The populations most affected by the consequences of environmental crimes are the poorest, and often it is the wealthiest who are the agents of these crimes Hache, Similarly, at a local level, populations with the lowest incomes are the most exposed to pollution phenomena or environmental risks Hache, According to Chantal , inequalities are cumulative because economic and social inequalities also translate into environmental inequalities. This is especially true for farmers in the South, who face food security difficulties as well as technical challenges and violence when it comes to accessing land and water resources. The direct exploitation of resources by colonisers, followed by the indirect exploitation of resources after independence by the rich, continues to characterise the cannabis market. The cannabis market is moving towards an increasingly unequal exchange between industrialised countries, which have evolved in terms of their regulations, and the South, which remains at the margins of this development. For at least a decade now, hybrid seeds and new cultivation and extraction techniques have been imported from industrialised countries. Hybrids produce two to three times higher yields per hectare than kif, and greater psychotropic effects than traditional Moroccan hashish Chouvy and Afsahi, Most farmers have thus replaced their local, traditional cannabis varieties to diversify their supply. However, these hybrids are even greedier when it comes to fertilisers, pesticides, water and labour, further deteriorating an environment already weakened by decades of intensive cannabis cultivation for industrial-scale production. As ideas and knowledge have circulated between legal and illegal spheres and between industrialised countries and Morocco Afsahi, b , Morocco has adopted an increasingly technical, hyper-intensive European agricultural model that involves large quantities of fertilisers, pesticides, greenhouses, pollinators, hybrid seeds, lamps, and new hashish extraction techniques. Many foreigners have also settled in the Rif to produce locally, taking advantage of the sunshine and very cheap labour. According to judicial sources, violent crimes have been committed in Issaguen in connection with conflicts over water usage rights. This is a new development in an area known for its absence of violence. They now have new, more distant connections with the new hybrid varieties that have been introduced. This intensification of cultivation has also snuffed out the ecological stories and cultural and religious practices that the early kif growers in Morocco drew on to give meaning to their culture and their space. The circulation of hybrid varieties in Morocco is facilitated by a legislative vacuum around cannabis seeds and the ease with which actors in the seeds market can move between the two Mediterranean coasts see Afsahi, b. At the local level, the wealthiest growers, who are those most involved in the seeds circuit, have invested in damming water sources reservoirs , which are essential for the cultivation of hybrid cannabis varieties. The specially created water police unit in Morocco turns a blind eye to the rapid degradation of water reserves. Cannabis growers have been able to capitalise on this. Some actors in the cannabis economy even control every stage of cannabis cultivation and retail, including the short-term management of natural resources, and they know how to react to global changes in the cannabis market. Legalisation has been rejected by cannabis growers, who do not see the economic benefits of such a change. Some are afraid of being excluded from a legal market, particularly the pharmaceutical market, whose networks and circuits they do not control. They argue that a legislative change would primarily benefit other agricultural regions that are better equipped with natural resources Mouna and Afsahi, The effects of regulation registration fees and taxes in California, for example, have pushed out the small farmers who produce sustainably and encouraged an increase in large-scale plantations Silvaggio, a and b; Allen, With regard to the vulnerable workers employed in the sector, an ethnographic study carried out between and August, in the Emerald Triangle showed a male dominance of the sector, both physically and in terms of decision-making. Women were thus relegated to subordinate roles. A number of participants recounted how men dominated the sector and how they were keen to maintain the division of labour and the norms that governed this environment. The author of this study explained that the women were fully aware that the nature of the work also exposed them to sexual harassment. While Anderson and Kavanaugh have highlighted the widespread perception of strong gender inequalities in the production and distribution of drugs, they have also shown how women have taken up a new place in the production of cannabis derivatives through activities generally considered to be gendered. Hence, new businesses specialising in bakery, confectionery and other edible products have appeared since the legalisation came into force. These new uses of cannabis, which are seen as feminine by men who are more interested in the transactional side of the business , give women an important place in the economic chain formed by the legal sale of cannabis in some US states. It is worth noting that this reaction is not specific to California. An increasing number of cannabis events are hosting special sessions dedicated to women in the cannabis industry. There are two types of farms in the cannabis industry. We were on a small plantation, plants two greenhouses , in the Californian backwater, the middle of nowhere. The cannabis was grown for medical use, so the owners of the place had to use organic farming methods, no chemicals. The owners, they had a few plantations, put us in charge of the Copperhead one, there were two of us, isolated from everyone else. We could smell the plants half a mile before we got there. We formed a sensual bond really. It was an exchange of good working practices. I took care of the plants and they took care of me. Day in day out, I sweated under those greenhouses, I meditated to the sound of the water, breathed in their smell. I was immersed in it from head to foot. A whole load of animals of all kinds came in to drink the water and munch on the plants. Birds, rodents, snakes, chattering squirrels, spiders, insects, they were all there with me. Sometimes I saw deer, and bobcats also venture into the area. Since legalisation though, these small farms have been disappearing. The intensification of cannabis cultivation has further deepened territorial and social inequalities at a number of levels between the traditional growing countries, which have supplied the international market with cannabis for decades, and the industrialised countries, which have switched from importing cannabis to now specialising in cannabis cultivation and adjusting their legislation accordingly. These new cannabis-related environmental inequalities associated with access to natural resources Hache, reveal the challenges of accessing the cannabis market and of the current cannabis economy. However, this is also true of California. Both these territories have suffered at the hands of humans, with their machinery, agricultural technology, over-exploitation, fertilisers, pesticides, and so on. The environmental impact from regulatory vacuums and prohibition Silvaggio, a and b; Corva, has been compounded by new legislation, which has turned a deaf ear to prominent voices calling for environmental sustainability. Instead, it has focused on the millions or even billions of dollars that the cannabis industry has generated for large corporations, which have in turn been able to influence state administrations and regulatory advisory boards Silvaggio, a and b , and push for less stringent environmental policies and regulation. There is currently a lack of empirical data on the environmental costs associated with cannabis cultivation. However, it is clear that, given the economic importance of cannabis cultivation, it will have a significant impact on water, flora and fauna Allen, We therefore need to mobilise our collective imagination to ensure that the solutions to cannabis prohibition—in other words, the new cannabis economies—do not follow the school of thought that espouses unfettered competition. Afsahi, K. Decorte, G. Potter and M. Bouchard eds , World Wide Weed. Akesbi, N. Maghreb Machrek , 1 , pp. Allen, H. Anderson, T. DOI: 0. August, K. Aziza, M. Bauer, S. Olson, A. Cockrill, M. Miller, M. Tauzer et al. Belaidi, N. Bernard, T. Blanchon, D. Moreau and Y. Chancel, L. Chouvy, P. Corva, D. Del Vecchio, K and P. Gerber, S. Hiernaux and B. Grovel, R. Frau, C. Hache, E. Krinsky, J. Tsing, L. Latour, B. Manirabona, A. Criminologie , 49 2 , pp. Maurer, G. Mouna, K. Approche anthropologique du Rif Brussels: Peter Lang. Pascon, P. Lazaret G. Petel , M. Rendon, J. Salvador, J. Silvaggio T. South, N. South N. Stengers, I. Ward, J. At the University of Bordeaux, she teaches the sociology of deviance, the sociology of the cannabis market, visual sociology, issues of women's involvement in the drug market, and environmental crime. Sitemap — RSS Syndikation. Navigation — Sitemap. Kenza Afsahi. Zusammenfassung This chapter explores the different forms of environmental violence practised against humans and nature including the cannabis plant in a context of intensive cannabis cultivation. Geographic keywords: Morocco , United States. Aufbau 1 Introduction. Anmerkungen des Autors This paper examines industrial cannabis farming practices that pose an environmental risk. Bibliografie Afsahi, K. Anmerkungen 1 In Morocco, 'kif' refers both to the plant itself and to a traditional preparation intended to be smoked, which is made up of a mixture of dried tobacco and cannabis. Navigation Index Autoren Thematic keywords Geographic keywords. Folgen Sie uns. Newsletters OpenEdition Newsletter. 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Buying weed Meknes