Buying weed Barisal

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Buying weed Barisal

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Buying weed Barisal

Success in increasing dietary diversity and food quality will require that members of households either: 1 grow and consume homegrown produce of higher nutritional value than normally present in their diets, or 2 use income gained from improved agriculture in ways that improve dietary diversity and food quality. The decision-making processes that farm households follow are complex, and perhaps more so in Bangladesh. In general, men are responsible for the majority of interactions with society outside the extended family. That is, men are the ones who use household income to buy food at the market. The purpose of the focus group was to create categories of market purchases e. The male head of household is responsible for making food purchases at the market for his family. If for any reason he cannot go, another man in the family, such as a son or father, will take on that responsibility. Rarely will his spouse go to the market in his place. There are examples of women making purchases, but in these instances, certain conditions seem to be important, such as a market being very close to the home and the man being preoccupied with work, or being away from home. The frequency of market visits depends on available cash; a close relationship exists between when a man is paid and how often he goes to the market. Day laborers tend to go to the market daily, whereas salaried workers go monthly to purchase bulk essentials like rice or pulses and return more frequently for smaller items and perishable foods. Essential purchases are mostly food items that men feel must be purchased immediately when they are needed. These include rice, pulses, cooking oil, soap, and onions. Although fruit and eggs are considered costly, men will sometimes buy both for children, which suggests that they may view these as essential for children. Purchasing higher-quality or desirable foods e. This suggests that interventions to increase household income will likely not lead to increased dietary diversity in the absence of behavior-changing activities that promote the use of additional income to purchase diverse foods. Food prices influenced whether the participants purchased certain vegetables or fish for their family, and also seemed to influence perceptions of nutritional value. A common perception is that more expensive foods or bigger foods have better nutrition and taste. Participants projected this idea on to the quality of foods. For example, more expensive vegetables were thought to have more and better vitamins. Men know vitamins are important; however, there is no understanding of what nutrition really is. There was a strong perception of vegetables as a good source of vitamins; in contrast, animal source foods ASF were seen as unhealthful and less nutritious than vegetables. Imported fruit and local fruit were seen as separate categories. Imported, more expensive fruit, such as apples and grapes, were frequently mentioned as nutritious. The participants believe that nutritious foods impart physical and mental strength, provide energy, support health, and promote intelligence. The participants were emphatic that they wanted to provide good food for their children. Doctors and scientists are trusted sources of nutrition information. The participants reported that they bought specific foods for children, such as milk, eggs, fruit, fish, rice, potato, and banana. Khechurii , a mixture of pulses and rice, usually with vegetables added, was considered a nearly ideal food for children. Most participants agreed that sick children do not like to eat and frequently lose their appetite, so they try feeding different items. The foods that men provided in order to coax a sick child into eating included cake, biscuits, buns, bananas, and snack foods. The participants showed a clear consensus that when a child refuses to eat, sweets are offered. According to the participants, getting a child to eat anything was more important than getting them to eat nutritious foods. Not surprisingly, the perception that children love eating sweets is strong, although men recognize that children like some other foods as much as sweets. These foods include fruit grapes, oranges, tomatoes, mangos, apples, and pomegranates , vegetables carrots and pumpkins , and ASF eggs and milk. Although these foods are perceived as equally convenient to purchase as sweets, men perceive them to be expensive. The participants described outside foods as packaged and imported foods. Outside foods could be either processed or fresh. The participants felt that children develop less interest in eating rice and vegetables if they fill up on outside foods like chips and biscuits. Generally, the participants felt that buying biscuits, cake, and other outside foods for their children was wrong, but most said they did it anyway. Giving children cake, biscuits, and other sugary foods, collectively referred to here as sweets, was very common, even though the participants seemed to know they were not nutritious foods good for children. The most important motivations for giving children sweets were emotional triggers: sweets made the child and the father happy. The findings indicate that the participants prioritized familial wellbeing and happiness above other things, even over health considerations. To achieve this happiness, men tend to give their children sweets when children cry, or when they are pestering their mother e. Most feel nothing is sacrificed to buy them. Others acknowledge they buy smaller quantities of staple foods, fruits and vegetables. Some sacrifice purchasing betel leaf and cigarettes. The participants highly valued being good husbands to their wives in order to keep the family happy and avoid conflict. Joint decision making about food purchases is valued to keep the family happy and at peace. There appears to be a high degree of discussion about market purchases between men and women. Men believe that making decisions together is a key element for a happy and peaceful home. Buying fresh vegetables that are clean, shaped right, and without infection is a sign of a clever buyer and a good husband. Men that purchase good combinations of foods are clever. A clever buyer knows which vegetables match with which fish. A clever buyer takes care to get value for money; for example, he will sort out potatoes before he purchases them and not be tricked by a lower per unit price and buy something that he will have to discard. What men buy influences how their neighbors see them. A responsible husband makes wise purchases and thus projects a good image in the community perhaps explaining the fact that none spoke of tobacco purchase, despite the high national prevalence of cigarette smoking. Five recommendations are proposed for promoting the purchase of nutritious foods by men, specifically for pregnant and lactating women and children under two years. One of these recommendations is for social change, and four are for behavior change communications. The social change recommendation addresses an issue that underlies all of the behaviors to be promoted, and a successful campaign to promote this social change would be expected to also substantially improve behavior change. For example, men are not aware that nutritious food includes not only vegetables but also ASF. These misconceptions limit the potential of behavior change communications to promote nutritious diets, since men are unaware of the necessary elements for creating a nutritious diet. Creating an environment that promotes pro-nutrition market purchases will require change on the social level by redefining the social norm of what nutrition is. By promoting the following five themes as alternatives, a positive social environment can be created to support the adoption of new marketing and child feeding practices:. Even when men have extra money, they purchase more of the same foods rather than foods with a higher nutritional value. With extra money, men should be encouraged to purchase more small fish, local fruit, and eggs in addition to normal market purchases to feed a wider variety of foods to pregnant and lactating women and children under the age of two. Men reach for sweets as a snack food because they are easy, accessible, and affordable. Buying sweets is convenient and quick and provides an opportunity for men to visit a popular social outlet. Instead of purchasing sweets, men could buy local fruit or other nutritious snacks for children. Engage tea stall owners and food distributors to ensure a communal understanding of what a nutritious snack is and why it is important for children. Tea stall owners must stock or continue to stock the identified nutritious snack. It is important to ensure limited disruption to the current practices of men and ensure tea stalls do not lose business. Engage tea stall owners and food distributors to ensure buy in and an understanding of what the nutritious snack is and why it is important for children. Instead of purchasing sweets for children, men can purchase ingredients for women so every week they can make a homemade nutritious snack food. Pitha is a widely popular food in Bangladesh made of various combinations of flour, molasses, and other ingredients. Recipes vary considerably, but existing recipes can be modified or recipes that are more nutritious can be promoted to create a more nutritious alternative to the nutritionally inadequate snacks men currently provide. Ideally, the alternative pitha would need to keep well so that women could prepare it infrequently i. The decision-making processes that any farm household follows are complex, and the processes are perhaps even more complex in Bangladesh. In Bangladesh, men are generally responsible for the majority of interactions with society outside the extended family. A number of factors influence household food purchases, including income, food prices, parental education, nutritional knowledge, culturally based customs, and food preferences Bouis and Novenario-Reese Several models that describe the process of consumer choice have been proposed and tested, and these models suggest that there are a wide range of factors beyond knowledge that influence what people spend their money on. Purchasing some low-cost nutritious foods e. Furthermore, studies have shown that when shoppers consider the trade-offs between giving up familiar items, their comfort with the status quo can favor small rather than large changes in purchases Tversky and Kahneman Several studies have examined household food expenditures in Bangladesh from an economic standpoint e. No studies exist to describe the relationship between income and the purchase of nutritious foods, or foods containing specific nutrients. Evidence exists to suggest, however, that the income elasticity for food purchases is higher than for purchases of clothing, housing, durable goods and other items Han and Wahl On one hand, this may indicate that perceived need for specific foods makes those foods more desirable for purchase; on the other hand, this may indicate that clothing, housing, durable goods, and other items have the highest priority, and food expenditure increases only when income rises above a threshold amount necessary for meeting these basic needs. Results from NGNESP and other similar studies have shown that the majority of households use income gained through participation to purchase supplementary food items, such as meat, fish, and cooking oil Kiess et al. Other uses of income derived from gardening included essential household expenses and investment in productive assets, including reinvesting in gardening Kiess et al. While this may simply reflect the higher income elasticity of food items in comparison with nonfood items, it may also reflect the fact that women tend to have more input into or control over the use of income gained through homestead production. Income that is under the control of women has been shown to translate more efficiently into positive household health and nutrition outcomes than income under the control of men Haddad and Hoddinott In Bangladesh, cultural norms may work against female control of income as these cultural norms value female seclusion and tend to undervalue female labor Haddad and Hoddinott ; Smith, Ramakrishnan, et al. Although in the poorest households, women are actually fairly active in the agricultural sector as day laborers Sraboni, Quisumbing, and Ahmed The report also concluded that women lack control over household resources. Nutritional value is an important factor in this assessment Variyam et al. Nutrition education may have substantial potential for influencing food purchase choices to support improved diets. A topic guide was designed to generate discussions about marketing behavior. The topics in the guide included perceptions about foods in the market, foods bought specifically for women and children, and general market purchase habits. Picture cards of local food and non-food items were used to facilitate discussion using a card sort approach. Participants sorted cards into groupings such as: items people usually buy, items bought when resources are scarce, and items bought when resources are plentiful. A moderator, notetaker, and supervisor led the FGDs. Prior to conducting the FGDs, the supervisor briefed the moderator and notetaker on maternal, infant, and young child feeding issues; the SPRING project; and the objectives and purpose for the research. The moderator translated the topic guide into Bangla and reviewed it with the supervisor prior to the first FGD. Each of the four FGDs was held in the courtyard of a dwelling centrally located in each village and each group consisted of approximately 10 men. All of the discussions were recorded on a laptop computer using an external microphone, and the notetaker used these recordings to create transcripts in English. The moderator created a summary for each FGD, after which the team analyzed the transcripts and summaries in order to synthesize a final, combined report. Preliminary findings were presented to the project managers and other stakeholders who are working in the nutrition sector in Bangladesh and were the basis for concepts to explore in the in-depth interviews. A subset of 24 men from the focus groups was selected for in-depth interviews. This subset was selected randomly from the FGD participant lists to include six men from each of the four villages. In each of the four villages, a team of three interviewers and one supervisor conducted the interviews. The study supervisors developed the interview questionnaire based on a review of the translated FGD transcripts and summaries of each FGD created by the moderator. Prior to conducting the interviews, the supervisor held a two-day training to brief the research team on maternal, infant, and young child feeding issues, SPRING, and the objectives and purpose for the research. The following key concepts, identified in the FGDs, were explored with special emphasis on individual motivators and behaviors:. The in-depth interviews were conducted in Bangla, from a structured Bangla-language questionnaire, and responses were translated to English directly following the interviews to allow for same-day review. After the completion of all interviews, all responses were organized by question, after which the responses were entered into a matrix organized by themes based on the concepts noted above e. Subsequently, final summaries were created for each concept to organize and analyze findings. The recommendations are based on the motivational factors that were identified in the study. The villages selected for this study were somewhat atypical: despite being located in a rural agricultural area, nonfarm occupations predominated e. Pariardanga village participants were masons, teachers, and students, and all were educated to class three or higher. Hazarapara village participants were farmers, fishermen, and factory workers, and all were educated to class two or higher. In comparison, Rupsa Union is poorer. Noahati village participants were primarily van or cart pullers, although all but one reported some education. In Shreerampur, participants were brickfield workers and van pullers, with half of the group self-reporting as illiterate. All Shreerampur participants were squatters on government land. Due to the size and scope of the study, caution should be exercised when generalizing the findings beyond Khulna, Bangladesh. In Hazarapara village, which is somewhat peri-urban, roving vendors sell vegetables directly to households. When this occurs, women can buy vegetables without leaving the homestead. There is a close relationship between when a man is paid and when he goes to the market to shop. Men paid monthly salaries go to the market monthly to purchase bulk essentials, like rice or pulses and more frequently for smaller items and perishable foods. In general, money is spent as it is earned on daily and weekly household needs, most frequently on food items. Local markets can be weekly or daily, and this may also influence when men go to the market. Across all four FGDs, participants discussed and classified similar items identified by the household as essential. Generally, the classification of essential seems to be influenced by household need and available income i. Essential purchases at the market were mostly food items, such as staples bought in bulk and vegetables and fish purchased daily. The participants reported buying heavier items, such as rice and pulses, spices, and garlic, weekly or monthly in bulk. Although households typically consume rice three times a day, most purchase it weekly. Other essential items purchased immediately when needed included cooking oil, soap, and onions. The participants sometimes bought fruit and eggs for children, even though they were considered costly, suggesting that some consider these essential purchases for children. Most participants reported that when households have more money on hand than usual, they spend the extra money immediately rather than save it. The overall consensus was that the items men purchase with surplus funds are not different from those normally purchased—they simply buy more of the items they usually buy, such as vegetables and rice, rather than additional or higher-quality items. For example, a man will buy 4 kilograms kg of rice, even though he usually buys 2 kg, rather than, for example, buying fish and the usual 2 kg of rice. A secondary, less-common theme that emerged in the FGDs was the use of surplus income to buy beef and poultry. Notably, when purchasing these foods, the participants did not consider the nutritional value of the foods to be a motivating factor. That is, among those who made these purchases, the primary motivation was a simple desire to consume beef or poultry rather than the nutritional value of those foods. Finally, the participants reported that most households try to keep a one-month supply of rice as a safety net. The participants felt that households that always have extra money might save extra money, but none of the participants considered themselves in an income bracket to be able to do this. A common perception is that more expensive foods have better nutrition and taste. These items, which are, in fact, valuable in terms of nutritional content, were thought to be less nutritious than more expensive items. Conversely, the desire for and appeal of expensive food items was projected to also mean that a food was of better quality, with more nutritional value. These types of perceptions have an impact on nutritious food purchases. The items that were purchased for adults—primarily for taste—are chewing gum, meat, eggs, and pulses for curry. One participant strongly advocated for musk melon as a food purchased primarily for its taste. Foods that the participants considered to be preferred by women included dry fish and foods with a sour taste, like local fruits tatul and amraa , mango presumably green mango , pickles, and olives. Not surprisingly, different groups cited different foods as desirable primarily for taste, but consensus was fairly uniform about gender-based differences in taste preference. Notably, something that is nutritious was not associated positively with taste. The idea that a man could buy a low-cost item that would also be nutritious was not something that most of the participants had considered. We will buy the same food with equal nutritional value at a lower price where there will be savings. Definitely we would then be able to buy other food. According to some of the participants, the more food a man can provide for his family the better. The food can be taken for a greater number of days. If there is more food, it can be consumed for a longer period of time. Then I buy rice if money remains in my hand. For example, several participants strongly declared that meat and peanuts were bad foods for children. Furthermore, participants offered many examples of nutrition-related knowledge that simply was wrong. The local fruits listed included kul borroi, guava, green coconut, tomato, banana, carrot, papaya, pomegranate, and mango. Since imported fruit is more expensive, it was often noted by the participants as being more nutritious. When asked the source of information they rely on to inform them about nutritious foods, the participants identified scientists, doctors, and family members. The opinions of doctors were valued above other sources of information. Most common among these purchases were foods that tasted good but were not good for health, such as fried foods, foods cooked in too much oil e. Also common were foods of inferior quality due to defect or deformity, unhygienic preparation including chemical additives , or spoilage. Another type of bad food was food that had ill effects on the body, such as inducing dehydration or introducing worms and other sickness. For example, if we eat 1 kilogram of meat at a time, definitely we will have digestion problems. So moderation is good for health. Beef was identified by some participants as a bad food. Participants in one FGD spoke in depth about why beef was a bad food, with the common responses being that it caused allergies and skin diseases. When asked to compare a diet of only vegetables with one of only meat, eggs, and fish, some felt that a balance of both is best, but others felt that a vegetarian diet was the better option for nutrition. The participants knew that vitamins are good for children, although they referred to vitamins as a generic item with little specific knowledge of individual vitamins or the fruits and vegetables that contain them. The participants gave children nutritious foods to improve strength, energy, and intelligence. The nutritious foods most commonly described were vegetables, fruit, and fish. Some specific examples of participant statements include these:. Participants reported that they would feed a sick child what they considered to be nutritious foods like pineapple and tomato juice. The participants said that, generally, a family will give an ill child more liquids with normal foods. The foods that men provided in order to coax a sick child into eating included cake, biscuits, buns, bananas, and snack foods like cheera flattened dry rice mixed with molasses and sugar. I am forced to buy biscuits. I have to keep my kid alive. The participants in all four groups showed a clear consensus that when a child refuses to eat, sweets are offered. For many participants, their understanding of feeding for sick children focused on providing favorite foods and liquids, without consideration of nutritional content. Participants reported that they tried to save money at the market to budget for things they said children love to eat, such as cake, pitha, and biscuits. Some mentioned feeding their children special foods like chocolate, biscuits, chips, and ice cream. For example, one banana costs around Taka Tk 4, and sweets such as biscuits Tk 12 per packet , cakes, and buns both Tk 6 are roughly comparable in price. Ironically, considering the common practice of giving sweets to children, nearly all participants agreed that sweets were bad foods for children to eat. The participants knew that sweets were not the best foods nutritionally, but happiness was prioritized over nutrition. This motivation seemed to outweigh the negative aspects of giving sweets. Participants stated they would never give yogurt to their children under the age of two, nor would they feed them spicy or hot-temperature foods. One group noted they would not give children under the age of two peanuts, because they are too hard and hamper digestion although, conversely, another group felt that peanuts were highly nutritious and good for children. Some issues related to cold-temperature foods were discussed. Some participants mentioned dirty and unsafe conditions were prominent where these foods were created and packaged, and that this was an important reason that children should not consume them. Some participants believed these foods could cause diarrhea, damage to teeth, and loss of appetite. The participants strongly distrusted industrially produced or processed foods, preferring instead foods grown and produced in the community. Some illustrative responses demonstrating this were these:. Other participants acknowledged that in order to purchase sweets, they bought less of the staple foods, fruits, and vegetables. Some mentioned sacrificing their own betel leaf and cigarettes. The nutritional consequences for children of sacrificing some foods to purchase others is unknown since sufficient nutritious food might be available for children even if the household purchases less of other foods for adults. A small subset of the participants did prioritize buying fruits and vegetables over sweets. Instead, I buy grapes, sweet fruit papaya, and oranges. Children become happy to get fruits. The participants reported many goals and motivations for giving foods to children, ranging from giving sweets for the emotional rewards for the parent and the child to giving nutritious foods to nourish growth and development. The findings indicate that the participants prioritized familial well-being and happiness above other things, even over health considerations. A recurrent theme related to pacifying children was about the timing of giving sweets. Several participants mentioned that sweets are handy for pacifying a child who is bothering their mother while she cooks. This was an especially important concern in the morning, when children awaken hungry but must wait for their mother to prepare the first meal. The convenience of sweets, easy to fetch from a nearby tea stall, made them ideal for this purpose. The participants appreciated that sweets were convenient and accessible. Additionally, the participants discussed giving sweets to children to satisfy their own happiness. I of course feel better because my child gives a smile, eats it \[the sweet\] and comes closer. A few minority opinions did exist on this subject, however. Every family should keep aware of long-lasting good health and avoid temporary happiness. The primary motivation identified for current market purchases was happiness and avoiding conflict in the household. The participants overwhelmingly mentioned that they wanted to be happy as a father and feel loved by their children. A healthy child was important, but secondary to a happy child. The participants felt like they had little control over what a child wants, and would provide food even if doing so was contrary to what they thought was appropriate. Children see other children eating sweets and they want it too. There is nothing a man can do. They gave children food to ease crying, even if the child was not hungry. The participants valued joint decision- making to keep the family happy and at peace. There appeared to be a high degree of discussion between husbands and wives about market purchases. The participants saw women as knowledgeable about household food matters, especially because they know what and how to cook for the family. The participants believed that making decisions together was a key element for a happy and peaceful home. All of the participants reported making decisions about what items to purchase at the market with their wives. Interestingly, the participants described different foods depending on if their wife was pregnant or not. The foods participants mentioned they brought to their pregnant wives were fruit, fish, eggs, milk, vegetables, Horlicks, and sweets. This is not to say that the participants consulted women on all purchases. On the contrary, they reported buying many daily necessities without any input from their wives. The participants seemed to be highly motivated to foster a happy, peaceful, and harmonious household environment, and cited this as the primary reason why decisions were made jointly:. According to the participants, although the male head of the household is the final authority on food and non-food items bought at the market, and when they are bought, women seem to have a say in what is purchased. Efforts to promote more nutritious foods among women may thus influence the foods that men purchase:. The participants reported that women value the size and value of food. It tastes good and is also good for health. According to participants, a good husband must ensure that the family has enough food. Purchasing foods at the market is a responsibility men take seriously because they feel obligated to provide for the family and make sure no one goes hungry. The participants did not report spending money to purchase items known to be bad for health, like tobacco or betel leaf. We eat betel leaf only at festivals. According to the World Health Organization , tobacco smoking is common in Bangladesh: 46 percent of males over the age of 15 use tobacco and 28 percent smoke cigarettes. Based on the findings summarized above, five recommendations are proposed for promoting the purchase of nutritious foods by men, specifically for pregnant and lactating women and children under two years. One of the recommendations is for social change, and four are for behavior change communications. For example, this new philosophy must shift attitudes and behaviors away from the current view of nutrition being limited to vitamins and vegetables and to include ASF. Methods include:. The current practice of purchasing the same selection of foods, and the belief that nutritious foods are expensive, both limit dietary diversity. Currently, men buy sweets for their children at the local tea stall. Currently men buy and give sweets to children because they are easy, accessible, and cheap foods that children love. Ideally, this alternative pitha would need to keep well so that women could prepare it infrequently i. Ahmed, Akhter U. Patterns of Food Consumption and Nutrition in Bangladesh. Washington, DC: HarvestPlus. Block, Steven. Working Papers in Food Policy and Nutrition Bouis, Howarth E. Chowdhury, Shyamal, J. Meenakshi, Keith Tomlins, and Constance Owori. Evidence from a Field Experiment in Uganda. HarvestPlus Working Paper No. Greiner, Ted, and S. Haddad, L. World Development 22 4 Han, Tong, and Thomas I. Hopkins, Ed, and Tatiana Kornienko. Kiess, Lynnda, Martin W. Bloem, Saskia de Pee, A. Hye, T. Khan, N. Huq, Z. Talukder, M. Haque, M. Ali Quisumbing, R. Quisumbing, A. Brown, H. Feldstein, L. Haddad, and C. Women: The Key to Food Security. Smith, L. Ramakrishnan, A. Ndiaye, L. Haddad, R. Talukder A. Haselow, A. Osei, E. Villate, et al. Thomas, D. Hoddinott, and H. Tversky, Amos, and Daniel Kahneman. Variyam, Jayachandran N. American Journal of Agricultural Economics 81, no. Geneva: WHO. Home Publications. Download the Report PDF, 2. Antal, Family interviewed M. Phultala focus group discussion Photo by T. Rupsa focus group discussion Photo by T. Wife of one participant Photo by M.

Buying weed Barisal