Buying marijuana Tartu

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Buying marijuana Tartu

Marianne Paimre. The article analyses the discussion of cannabis regulation in the Estonian media. In the past five years, there has been a noticeable shift in discussion of drug policies in some Western countries and regions the US, Canada, Latin America, etc. The Global Commission on Drug Policy recommends that countries put an end to civil and criminal penalties for drug use and possession. In this context, the article examines how the Estonian press has reacted to the situation. Which approach to cannabis continuing to ban it vs. What are the main arguments both for and against its legalisation? The media could play a prominent role in determining public opinion about illicit drugs and shaping relevant public policies. Hence, the author looks also at how the coverage has changed over time. A content analysis of 57 opinion articles, editorials, comments, interviews, and summaries of public speeches was carried out to study the political debate surrounding cannabis in and , both years in which it was high on the media agenda. The content analysis was complemented by the method of close reading. While the debate was launched by pro-legalisation lawyers and the discussion involved various professional experts among them medical doctors, lawyers, and specialists in drug prevention , cannabis more often made headlines in because of work by civil activists, columnists, writers, etc. A strong dichotomy between traditional law-enforcement discourse and cannabis-legalisation and harm-reduction discourses has emerged. The author expresses the opinion that a shift in the global drug-policy debate alongside softened media coverage may pave the way for changes in the national drug policy. Drug policy; Estonia; newspapers; media; public debate; cannabis. In recent years, a shift in drug-politics discourse has taken place in various Western countries from a punitive towards a more liberal approach. However, there is no consensus on regulation of illicit drugs in the world. As of today, no government in Europe has legalised cannabis. They have merely arrived at a consensus that cannabis use will not be punished by the authorities. Several European countries, among them Portugal, Spain, the Czech Republic, and Italy, have decriminalised the use of cannabis; i. Unlike in Estonia, large amounts of attention are paid to treatment and rehabilitation of addicts in Portugal. The prohibitionist cannabis policy is even being challenged in Sweden ibition: The role of Swedish information symposia in keeping cannabis a high-profile problem. In recent years, pro-legalisation sentiments are emanating from various media outlets of additional countries; e. In Estonia, some prominent jurists J. Sootak, P. Randma, and P. According to them, when it comes to punishment, generally there is no holding back Postimees , 7. In substantial numbers, Estonians are eager to experiment with this drug. MA thesis. Crano, M. Lancaster et al. Illicit drugs and the media: Models of media effects for use in drug policy research. News-media coverage both reflects and influences the national dialogue about policy issues Preventive Medicine 90 , pp. Graber, J. Mass Media and American Politics. CQ Press According to N. Fairclough, the media should be seen as offering valuable material for researching social change Media Discourse. Is the press open to diverse views on drug policies, or is it rather focused on the official discourse? Who is given voice by journalists in the drug-politics debate? What are the main arguments both for and against cannabis legalisation? How has the coverage changed with time? The remainder of the article is organised such that the next section gives an overview of the major studies on cannabis and the media, with the third section then discussing cannabis use and regulation in Estonia. After this, methodology of the study presented here is introduced, and the main parts of the article present results of press analysis. A summary closes the article. Reinarman et al. Crack in context: Politics and media in the making of a drug scare. Lawrence et al. Sending the wrong message: Analysis of print media reportage of the ACT heroin prescription trial proposal, August Elliott, S. Setting the public agenda: Street crime and drug use in American politics. New York: Basic Books ; B. Kilmer et al. New York: Oxford University Press Under a cloud: Morality, ambivalence and uncertainty in news discourse of cannabis law reform in Great Britain. Manning ed. Cullompton: Willan Publishing Boyd, C. Methamphetamine discourse: Media, law, and policy. In the last three years, some in-depth studies on cannabis and the media have been carried out. They explored the volume and content of news stories on drug-politics issues and found that news-media coverage of recreational marijuana policy was heavily concentrated in the news outlets from the four states that had recently legalised marijuana. Anti-legalisation arguments were centred on adverse public-health consequences. They concluded that, as additional states continue to debate legalisation of marijuana for recreational use, it is critical for the public-health community to develop communication strategies that accurately convey the rapidly evolving research evidence related to recreational-marijuana policy. Sweden is known for its prohibitionist cannabis policy, but this approach seems to be increasingly challenged in both international and domestic arenas. It was, therefore, important to understand whether and how this international change was mirrored and processed in a key arena such as print media. Newspaper articles from and were analysed, for exploring of continuity and change. The analysis showed that print media in both years seemed to draw mainly on a juridical, a social-problems, and a medical discourse when portraying cannabis. While there was strong continuity in these cannabis constructions, the analysis also showed signs of change. For example, in there were articles drawing on economic and recreational discourses. There was a global outlook enabling new cannabis constructions. International events, however, introduced discursive alternatives by The researchers did not provide evidence that the coverage of marijuana escalated to a level of media hysteria. However, there was certainly a considerable number of articles providing coverage of the drug in that time. Several scholars have argued that in the earlier part of the twentieth century, especially in the s, the media associated marijuana mainly with violence and mental illness and they often linked marijuana with Mexican immigrants. Conversely, the authors found that depictions of violence occurred but were not prevalent. There was some evidence to support a conclusion that marijuana was often linked to people of Mexican descent, but these reports were not particularly frequent and were primarily restricted to the s. The published articles rarely mentioned addiction, and in a few instances they actually implied that marijuana did not pose a great danger. Moreover, reports of marijuana being associated with mental illness or organised crime were not common. In Belgium, J. Tieberghien and T. Decorte explored the complex relationship between policy and science in the drugs field. Using the Belgian drug-policy debate — as a case study, they critically explored the role of scientific knowledge in this debate. An examination of how scientific knowledge was used in policy documents has demonstrated rather strong utilisation. However, utilisation was often subordinate to the complexity of the policy-making process, involving not only scientific knowledge but also interests, electoral ambitions, etc. Sznitman and N. Thus, in the wide world, only a few studies focus on the role of the media in the cannabis debate in recent years, which have witnessed change in the global drug-related political discourse. This article fills the gap, analysing the discussion of cannabis legalisation in the Estonian media. Although cannabis has been around as a recreational drug for quite some time now in Europe, Estonians became more acquainted with the plant only in the s. Under the Estonian legislation, all strains of cannabis Cannabis sativa containing over 0. In Estonia, cultivation of cannabis, handling of cannabis products, trafficking or distribution, production, acquisition or possession, and also inducing a person to engage in illegal use are deemed offences to be followed by criminal prosecution. The use of cannabis, as with any other drug entered on the list of psychotropic or narcotic substances, is not a criminal offence this has been true since ; rather, it is viewed as a misdemeanour punishable by detention or a fine. However, having quite a small quantity of cannabis 7. It has been suggested that in respect of criminal offences the laws should be amended so as to classify illicit drugs into distinct categories in line with their harmfulness Postimees , Although the effects of cannabis on health are less severe than those of heroin or amphetamine, the punishments for cannabis-related offences prescribed by law are comparable to those for any other narcotic or psychotropic substance on the list. In Estonia, the average fine for a cannabis-related misdemeanour is 80 euros, while it is euros for other illicit drugs. Penal practice indicates that, for the most part i. Most of the drugs-related criminal cases prosecuted involve small quantities of illicit drugs. Various events have been organised in their advocating for legalisation of cannabis in Estonia. A Web site on medical cannabis ravikanep. Facebook pages of proponents of legalisation are utilised to connect interested persons. The Estonian Green Party has pledged to regulate cannabis at national level. Several opinion polls have revealed that public opinion on legalisation matters varies greatly. This means primarily that one should be cautious in interpreting results of polls, at least on this topic. Today, discussion on public-policy issues often takes place via social media. Years and were chosen, because in both of those years the media interest in respect of cannabis regulation was higher than usual. The two months when the discussion was most intense were picked from each of those years — July and August of and September and October of In total, 57 articles were selected, 25 from and 32 from The study employed a mixed method of analysis, consisting of content analysis Media Analysis Techniques. California: SAGE Riffe et al. Mahwah, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Pennsylvania State University The close reading method enabled delving deeply into the most influential texts for purposes such as examining standpoints and arguments more closely. Although cannabis had made occasional appearances in the Estonian press since the s, it became a subject of wider public discussion only in the summer of The 1 July issue of Postimees , elaborating on excessive punishments, was the first, with many to follow. The PM editorial referred to the fact that there were too many people in Estonia almost one third of the population punished either for criminal or for misdemeanour offences. It was suggested that punishing is not the only means to promote law-abiding behaviour and that the government should focus on crime prevention instead. He wrote that a person is already deemed a criminal offender in Estonia for the possession of a rather modest quantity of illicit drugs, and he also pointed out that in most cases the state comes down hard on the perpetrator. The discussion proper started only after a week had passed on 7 July , when PM journalist A. Raun communicated the position of Prof. Sootak and P. Vahur, the head of the Estonian Free Society Institute, a liberal think tank, that Estonia should move towards gradual legalisation of illicit drugs. It was stressed that a democratic criminal-justice system based on the rule of law should treat addicts not as criminals but as people in need of assistance and treatment. There is no conclusive scientific proof that the effects of cannabis are more harmful to the human body than tobacco; therefore, it is not fair that cannabis users are prosecuted while tobacco smokers go free. The following positive aspects entailed by possible legalisation were mentioned: a chance to tackle drug problems more meaningfully, more efficient use of public funds, depriving the underworld of their illegally-gained proceeds, putting an end to the stigmatisation of young people caught with cannabis, and others. Legalisation of cannabis was, in principle, endorsed by one more jurist, J. Ginter, Professor of Criminology at Tartu University, who mentioned on 15 July that he believes in more lenient punishments for offences involving soft drugs. The above-mentioned ideas of jurists inspired widespread resentment in members of the medical profession, prevention experts, politicians, and even journalists. An illustration of this is that on 7 July PM interviewed K. Abel-Ollo, a researcher from the National Institute for Health Development NIHD , who emphasised that drug abuse can be associated with deaths, proliferation of infectious diseases, crime, increased health-care costs, and exclusion of young people from the labour market. In a PM piece from 24 July, A. Kurbatova, from the NIHD, tried to dispel the common misconception that the Dutch liberal drug policy was not riddled with serious problems. Talu, a third drugs expert from the NIHD, who painted a grim picture of the drug situation in Estonia in her opinion piece in EPL on 28 July, was of the opinion that legal cannabis would eventually result in additional trouble alongside added costs. Liiger, an emergency-room doctor who has regular contact with drug addicts, told PM journalist P. They cannot possibly fathom this issue the same way I, surrounded by drugs and addiction on a daily basis, see it. However, he did point out the role of cannabis in causing psychosis. Several leading journalists argued passionately against legalisation. Among them were A. Ruussaar in PM on 11 July , A. Samost in PM on 12 July , and K. Muuli in PM on 12 July. PM conducted a number of polls on drugs regulation among its readers. Only a day later on 7 July , we saw a complete change of heart. It is probably safe to say, again, that, irrespective of their popularity with the masses, the results of online-media polling should be taken with a grain of salt. All things considered, it seems that in the summer of the concept of legalisation proposed by jurists brought a breath of fresh air to an Estonian media scene otherwise preoccupied with news of economic recession. The theories of legal scholars were regarded as unrealistic and misplaced by those experts whose jobs involved day-to-day contact with drug addicts. In much the same vein, several leading journalists dismissed the topic as lacking any real substance. More heated debate about cannabis regulation ensued in autumn Several articles on drug policy had been published in , with the increased media interest having been inspired mainly by the fact that purchasing cannabis in some US states was now perfectly legal Postimees piece of 1. In , most of the articles on cannabis issues revolved around public events. For instance, springtime demonstrations organised by cannabis activists in larger towns were covered by the media e. In September and October, the discussion of drug-politics issues reached its peak. The author, A. Tereping, is a psychologist with the University of Tallinn who had never publicly commented on cannabis issues before. In his piece, he suggested that Estonia should follow the example of Portugal, where the liberalisation of legislation had improved the drug situation considerably. Organised via the Web site Nihilist. The participants in the demonstration, which took place on 17 September in front of the Parliament building, were eager to change the course of Estonian drug policy. It was broadcast live on Delfi. People from various walks of life contributed to this discussion. These included politicians and other public figures E. Kross, H. Purga, and Y. Alender , opinion leaders H. Pajula , civil activists L. Kampus , and creative professionals writers O. Ruitlane and J. Rooste and several rap artists. It inspired people who had not been very vocal about drugs until then. In their petition, they invited Parliament to revise the principles underpinning the official drug policy, which was characterised as destroying the youth. The need for legal cannabis was emphasised by reminders that we are strongly influenced by American culture and therefore should abide by the same rules that apply in some of its states. Media outlets concentrated on the public statements of E. Kross, a high-profile member of the Reform Party, who blamed Estonian politicians for not thinking about or dealing with this burning issue. Purga mainly because she had burst into tears while speaking , who had urged setting up a relevant study committee in Parliament. Alender, also from the Reform Party, noted that if mistakes have been made, then it is time to correct them. The press Delfi, on 17 September also picked up on a word of advice from L. Of the 4, respondents, An event that made headlines in the middle of October involved a number of conscripts being caught with illicit substances: 76 out of recruits had failed the drug test administered at the Kuperjanov Infantry Battalion in late September. Civil-society activists S. Tuisk and M. Kalvet maintained that cannabis use in the military is an open secret and that these random checks are unproductive in practice and only cause needless confusion. The situation could be much worse if the young men were to start using hard drugs, they opined. The incident in the Defence Forces gave further momentum to the larger drug-policy debate. Columnist A. At the same time, the author argued, the global drug paradigm is undergoing major changes. For instance,. Canada is about to legalise cannabis. Unlike , in the most active opponents of cannabis legalisation were from law-enforcement agencies. He took pride in the hard-line approach: there are no drug labs operating out of blocks of flats, no shops selling synthetic cannabinoids have been established, and criminals have not opted for Estonia as their favourite trafficking route. On 19 September, PM printed a piece by A. In it, she explained that the difference between Estonia and Portugal lies not in the decriminalisation as such but, rather, in the fact that Portugal looks after the people caught using drugs while Estonia prefers to issue fines instead. On 16 September, PM had invited comments from K. Tommingas, South Prefecture drug-police chief, who stated that the dramatic growth in the number of users among conscripts is a reflection of an overall trend in society and an inevitable result of the recent propaganda campaigns. Experts asked to comment on this issue included L. Both of them defended the ban. The Police and Border Guard Board justified their position by introducing the age-old parallel with alcohol — if Estonia has not been able to put an end to alcoholism, how could it possibly cope with legal cannabis? Hence, Estonia is not ready for legalisation. As physicians and health promoters still preferred to keep a low media profile on this issue in , the bulk of the counter-arguments to the more liberal ideas were voiced by the law-enforcement authorities. As the end of October neared, a great deal of media furore arose surrounding head of Estonian Public Broadcasting M. Tammerk emphasised that the level of public awareness of these problems is so low that television and radio programmes should not even attempt to elaborate on the traditional pros and cons. Cannabis lobbyists should not gain easy access to a public platform so as to publicise their message in interviews. Opinions of scientists and independent experts should be preferred. Ironically, these were the very opinions that were mostly absent from the media in The position of Allikmaa and Tammerk did not gain much support from society. As no newsworthy events involving illicit drugs took place in the final part of the year, the media interest started to gradually subside. In , cannabis and the larger drug-policy issues did make occasional appearances in the press. The proponents represented people from diverse walks of life politicians, writers, columnists, civil activists, etc. When compared to various non-experts civil activists, columnists, writers, etc. In and both, various media outlets proved a valuable arena for the individual camps to air their views on cannabis. In a difference from , alternative media channels were largely responsible for keeping the matter in the spotlight in For instance, Nihilist. One might ask whether media coverage of cannabis and the related issues has in any way affected Estonian drug policy at large. There have been a few positive signs that attempts are being made to move from punishment toward treatment and prevention. But these attempts are not directly related to the cannabis debate. The goal is to help the offender avoid new crimes. So far, these options have not been applied in practice. Although MPs dismissed any plans for legalisation, they did promise to look into the use of medical cannabis see 9 February PM. It was decided to set up a Parliamentary study committee to analyse and enhance prevention efforts with regard to illicit drugs and HIV. According to the Ministry of Justice, there are plans to increase the substance quantities constituting a misdemeanour or a criminal offence, such as deciding that the possession of below 20 or 30 grams for personal use would have the elements of a misdemeanour only. More practical alternatives to punishment are constantly being sought. One possible example of this trend is a drug-policy conference that was held in March ; regrettably, while it recognised that, in general terms, the current policy is not working, it concluded that there is no good reason to change course at present. However, the positive experience of other countries in reforming drug policy has encouraged Estonian officials to experiment with more flexible methods in attempts at grappling with issues of illicit drugs. Some practical changes could be detected in the field at least in respect of the Ministry of Justice taking initiative to update drug policy. For example, in the Ministry of Justice launched a project to test the Portuguese model in Estonia. In parallel with this, experts in the drug-regulation field too have been exposed to newer trends in global drug policy. In , jurists J. Vahur calling for legalisation of cannabis had a major role in cannabis garnering a large amount of media attention. Postimees provided the main forum for the debate. In , the pro-legalisation camp clearly represented the minority and consisted mainly of jurists. Several prominent journalists stated openly that this topic does not deserve media attention, and they asked why, since cannabis constitutes a public-health hazard, this theme should be pursued further. By , the global drug-policy situation had slightly changed. Some US states had legalised marijuana, and in autumn Canada elected a new prime minister, who promised to make cannabis legal throughout the country. All this news inspired Estonian cannabis proponents to organise various events and introduce their arguments in public. These events and views were covered by newspapers and online portals. A clear distinction can be drawn between police officers still holding on to the obsolete policy and the open-minded intellectuals. The cannabis proponents outdid their opponents by exploiting the media in promoting their cause. The medical profession kept their distance in Also, the question of media ethics came up, with the chief of Estonian Public Broadcasting maintaining that state-owned media are not the place for a cannabis debate, as such a debate would promote illicit drugs. Moreover, a dilemma became evident as to whether the aspiration to protect public health should take precedence over freedom of speech. In conclusion, one can say that over the last few years, a noticeable shift has taken place with regard to representation of cannabis issues in the Estonian press. In the press, there has been a move toward a more humane attitude and toward favouring legalisation. The Estonian press seems to be more democratic and more in sync with the emerging global drug-policy trends than is the official drug-policy discourse. All of this testifies to the natural progression of the drug debate in the Estonian press. The author is of the opinion that a shift in the global drug-policy debate in combination with the more mature media approach may pave the way for changes in the national drug policy. However, at the moment, the Estonian drug laws still have not become less punitive, with the exception of a couple of amendments providing for the option to choose treatment or social programmes instead of punishment. Thus, positive practice of other countries in cannabis regulation also encourages a more flexible approach to national drug policy. The article presents the hypothesis that a normal level e. Adequate assessment of crime in a specific civilisation is possible via comparison of crime across different civilisations. In this approach, crime is an inevitable part of cultural phenomena, wherefore the definitions of crimes, punishments, and their execution manifest value specificities of individual cultures civilisations. Suitable amount of crime; dual taxonomy in criminal activity; age—crime curve; gender gap in crime; criminal careers; cultural-civilisational approach Explaining the Relationship between Social Trust and Value Similarity: The Case of Estonia Mai Beilmann, Laur Lilleoja. The article is dedicated to explaining why value similarity fosters generalised social trust in high-trust societies. Previous findings by Beilmann and Lilleoja suggest that value similarity is more important in generating individual-level social trust in countries where the overall levels of social trust are higher, while in countries with a low level of social trust, congruity of the personal value structure with the country-level value structure tends to be coupled with lower trustfulness on the part of individuals. The article explores the meso-level indicators that could explain this relationship. The relationship between social trust and human values was examined in a sample of 2, people in Estonia, using data from the European Social Survey, round 7. The results suggest that when differences in socio-economic factors are controlled for, value similarity remains a significant factor in fostering generalised social trust in Estonian society. However, its direct effect is relatively low when compared with predictors such as trust in certain institutions, economic well-being, and ethnicity. Trust in the legal system and the police plays a particularly important role in fostering generalised social trust in a high-trust society wherein people believe that other people in general treat them honestly and kindly. Numerous theoretical approaches include social values as a social unit. In general, the social values are defined as guidelines; they are personal and internal; and they hold together the social groups. A reasonable-sized body of sociological and criminological studies has analysed the structure and significance of social values for human behaviour. The article explores this corpus, discussing numerous theoretical approaches and studies with reference to a key question: how can one fruitfully operationalise the social values? The theoretical analyses in the article apply institutional anomie theory, which is presented as an example of a criminological theory. The paper presents a study demonstrating that social and political trust are good predictors of punitive attitudes. People who have low generalised social trust and low political trust would impose longer sentences on offenders. Awareness of the aims behind punishment is a strong predictor of systematically severe punitive attitudes — those for whom the aims for punishment revolve around the protection of society rather than focusing on reforming the offender are more punitive. The study indicates that penal attitudes are best altered in a trusting environment, and that attempts to achieve a shift away from harsh ones should be targeted principally at the most punitively minded groups in the relevant society. The assumption is that in an environment where penal attitudes towards offenders are milder, major changes in crime policy such as introduction of individualised penalties, reduction in prison terms and population would be more easily achieved. The article focuses on content analysis of corruption-related publications released by Lithuanian Internet media. The authors present findings from structural and semantic analysis of the online publications on corruption issues that appeared during via two influential Internet portals: DELFI. However, we can see notable contradictions between the articles of UNCRC, the best interest principle and the practice of juvenile justice systems almost in every EU member state. International organisations and national states make efforts to cross the contradictions and to guarantee the rights stated in the UNCRC. In this paper, we present some attempts to enhance the juvenile justice systems while focusing on Estonian case. Participation in two international action research projects enables authors to give an overview about the situation how the rights of Estonian children in detention are followed and what are the main tendencies in everyday practice. One of the fundamental rights of every child is the right to a friendly legal environment, which includes the right to grow up in an environment free from the harmful effects of crime. The discussion presented is based on several years of international research by the author, who concludes that harmful effects of crime can be manifested readily in cases wherein a child violates the law, becomes a victim of crime, or witnesses a crime. The author concludes that such harmful experiences for a child can be eliminated in practice through application of the recommendations of international law. Several studies have found that the level of alcohol use among minors both in Europe generally and in Estonia is relatively high. However, we have less knowledge of issues related to age estimations in this field. Therefore, research was conducted to examine how accurate sales personnel in Estonia are in estimating the age of young people and, in addition, to compare salespersons and laypersons i. For this purpose, 20 salespersons and 20 laypersons participated in an experiment in which they estimated the age of people whose faces were presented to them in images. However, both groups tended to overestimate the age of the people shown, especially when the focus was on the difference between minors of age 17 and young adults of age 18 or One solution for addressing this issue in practice would be to raise the age threshold for asking for ID. While many shops already pursue this approach, it is on a voluntary basis; in Estonia, there is no legal requirement to do so. Helmut Kury. The classical reaction to crime is punishment, then, if it does not have the effect we are looking for, still harsher sanctions. Old traditional societies, such as various Native American groups in North America, had more peacekeeping-oriented approaches to crime, dealing with both the offender and the victim. In the last few decades, these measures for handling crime and conflicts have been rediscovered, and they are used more and more in Western countries, with positive effects. Elsewhere in Europe at state level, these techniques are used more in Western industrialised countries, less in former Eastern-bloc states. Differences can be seen also in the role of the mediator in practice: it is seen differently in some respects. The article discusses the development of theories of punishment in modern, more and more knowledge-based society. Are any changes foreseeable in how we rationalise expending scarce public resources on inflicting grievances on those fellow members of our society who have behaved in a manner not approved by general society? Adherents to retributivism strive to justify criminal punishment by simply referring to the punishment as the consequence that the criminal plainly deserves and stating that there is no need to present any utilitarian justifications for applying punishments. There is already mounting evidence from research suggesting that certain objective circumstances cause predisposition of certain persons to commit crimes, and some research suggests that there are several treatments that may in some cases be more suitable in place of criminal punishments. The paper presents an attempt to appraise whether these novel approaches leave any room for retributivist ideas. The article suggests that the more the science is able to understand why certain persons commit criminal offences and is able to find opportunities to treat these conditions, the less need there will be to think of punishments as just deserts, as what simply must be applied, without looking for any other utilitarian justification. The article analyses whether the prison system in Estonia when incarcerating former terrorists will be able to fulfil the objectives behind its execution of imprisonment. To understand what helps to reintegrate former terrorists and draw them back from violent extremism, one must grasp which aspects of legal culture might have influenced their radical ideology. Hence, even if there is a possibility of providing adequate teacher training and the experts agree that the person is highly reintegrated when leaving prison, the question remains of whether Estonia has the financial resources to ensure all the measures required for the former terrorist to lead a law-abiding life outside prison. Police reforms in Europe in recent decades have demonstrated that most such reform is loosely linked to problems of safety and that it seldom, if ever, captures police strategies. Reasons for reforms to police structures and operations lie hidden in the economy, politics, or some other domain rather than that of public order or crime — the realm that traditionally is associated with the police. Efficiency- or effectiveness-driven reforms that ignore safety-specific strategies of the police and policing push the police to be more like the average public organisation instead of a professional player in the field of safety. At the same time, the wickedness of safety problems demands of the police more sophisticated knowledge about policing, along with an organisation that is capable of responding to the task environment and implementing various changes on its basis. Primary menu Issues Authors Guidelines Archive. Issues list Issues. Side menu DOI Close menu. Subscribe RSS. Cover image. Abstract and keywords The article analyses the discussion of cannabis regulation in the Estonian media. Keywords: Drug policy; Estonia; newspapers; media; public debate; cannabis. Introduction In recent years, a shift in drug-politics discourse has taken place in various Western countries from a punitive towards a more liberal approach. Cannabis use and regulation in Estonia Although cannabis has been around as a recreational drug for quite some time now in Europe, Estonians became more acquainted with the plant only in the s. Findings from the press analysis 5. Proponents of legalisation The discussion proper started only after a week had passed on 7 July , when PM journalist A. Opponents of legalisation The above-mentioned ideas of jurists inspired widespread resentment in members of the medical profession, prevention experts, politicians, and even journalists. In , non-experts feeding the discussion on cannabis regulation More heated debate about cannabis regulation ensued in autumn The Kuperjanov Infantry Battalion in late September An event that made headlines in the middle of October involved a number of conscripts being caught with illicit substances: 76 out of recruits had failed the drug test administered at the Kuperjanov Infantry Battalion in late September. Whether media debate on cannabis regulation has any impact on Estonian drug policy One might ask whether media coverage of cannabis and the related issues has in any way affected Estonian drug policy at large. Next article. Hide contents. Cover Download. Abstract and keywords Download. Keywords: Suitable amount of crime; dual taxonomy in criminal activity; age—crime curve; gender gap in crime; criminal careers; cultural-civilisational approach. Keywords: social trust; European Social Survey; value similarity; human values. Keywords: social values; institutional anomie theory; collectivism; individualism. Keywords: Punitiveness; political trust; social trust; aims in punishment. Keywords: corruption; content analysis; media presentations. Keywords: alcohol; face-based estimations; laypersons; salespersons; mystery shopping. Helmut Kury pp. Keywords: Theories of punishment; medical treatment of criminals; free will; utilitarianism; consequentialism; retributivism. Keywords: police reform; the police; police strategy; professionalisation.

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Buying marijuana Tartu

These datasets underpin the analysis presented in the agency's work. Most data may be viewed interactively on screen and downloaded in Excel format. All countries. Topics A-Z. The content in this section is aimed at anyone involved in planning, implementing or making decisions about health and social responses. Best practice. We have developed a systemic approach that brings together the human networks, processes and scientific tools necessary for collecting, analysing and reporting on the many aspects of the European drugs phenomenon. Explore our wide range of publications, videos and infographics on the drugs problem and how Europe is responding to it. All publications. More events. More news. We are your source of drug-related expertise in Europe. We prepare and share independent, scientifically validated knowledge, alerts and recommendations. About the EUDA. Cannabis remains by far the most commonly consumed illicit drug in Europe. On this page, you can find the latest analysis of the drug situation for cannabis in Europe, including prevalence of use, treatment demand, seizures, price and potency, harms and more. European Drug Report — home. The drug situation in Europe up to Drug supply, production and precursors. Synthetic stimulants. Heroin and other opioids. Other drugs. New psychoactive substances. Injecting drug use in Europe. Drug-related infectious diseases. Drug-induced deaths. Opioid agonist treatment. Harm reduction. However, both the level of use and trends in use reported in recent national data appear heterogeneous see Prevalence and patterns of cannabis use , below. At the same time, there is an ongoing debate on how best to respond to the use of this drug, with some countries modifying their regulatory approach. We are also seeing significant developments in the cannabis market. Taken together, this all means that there remains a pressing need to understand better the potential harms associated with different patterns of cannabis consumption and the implications this raises for policy and practice. Around 1. Cannabis use can cause or exacerbate a range of physical and mental health problems, including chronic respiratory symptoms, cannabis dependence and psychotic symptoms. In addition, studies have found that regular cannabis use can be associated with poorer educational achievement and an increased risk of involvement with the criminal justice system. Problems are most associated with early onset of use, high-potency products and more regular and long-term patterns of use. There remains, however, a need to understand better the kinds of problems experienced by cannabis users, as well as what are appropriate referral pathways and effective treatment options for those with cannabis-related problems. Cannabis is reported to be responsible for more than one third of all drug treatment admissions in Europe. This finding is difficult to interpret, in part because of the wide variety of interventions provided to cannabis users, which may include brief interventions or directive referrals from the criminal justice system. Further work is needed to understand better the kind of services offered to those with cannabis problems. However, the information that does exist would suggest that psychosocial treatments, such as cognitive behavioural therapy, are commonly offered and that e-health online interventions appear to be increasingly available. Evaluating the risk of harm in this area is complicated by the apparently increasing range of cannabis-based products potentially available to consumers, which can include edibles, high-potency products and various derivatives. This diversity can have implications for the risk of an individual experiencing problems with their cannabis use and is therefore an area that requires greater research and regulatory attention. Overall, the number of people reported as entering treatment for cannabis problems for the first time remained relatively stable until , before declining during the pandemic, and not returning to pre-pandemic levels in most EU Member States by see Treatment entry for cannabis use , below. A caveat here is that data quality and coverage issues mean that this observation must be interpreted with caution. Seizures of cannabis products overall continued to be at historically high levels in , indicating the high availability of this drug see Cannabis market data , below. However, the total quantity of cannabis resin seized in the European Union dropped significantly, largely due to a decrease in seizures reported by Spain. It is possible that this may reflect an adaptation in supply routes by those involved in trafficking cannabis resin from North Africa to Europe as a response to anti-trafficking measures taken by Spanish authorities. In this context, it is also interesting to note that since the volume of herbal cannabis seized has increased significantly in Spain. However, it is important to note that significant cannabis production also takes place elsewhere in the European Union. Recent large seizures highlight the role Spain continues to play as a transit country for resin intended for the European market. In , for example, Spanish authorities seized 22 tonnes of cannabis resin concealed in fake tomato packaging suspected of being destined for trafficking to France see Figure 2. Although new products and forms of this drug are available, herbal cannabis and cannabis resin remain the most commonly available forms. While the quantities of cannabis resin seized in the European Union are greater than those of herbal cannabis, this is thought to reflect the greater vulnerability of cannabis resin to interdiction measures in cross-border trafficking, rather than availability or use. The information available suggests that herbal cannabis is the more commonly available form of the drug in most countries. Herbal cannabis may be grown near to its intended consumer market, and this may reduce the risk of detection. This is very high by historical standards, potentially creating elevated health risks, particularly when associated with early onset of use. Some worrying new developments in the detection of cannabis seizures entering Europe may indicate that trafficking routes are diversifying and creating a growing challenge for interdiction efforts. These include, for example, the seizure of 4 tonnes of cannabis resin originating from Pakistan in the port of Antwerp, Belgium. Moreover, this is evidence that Morocco is not the only source of resin for the European cannabis market. Some EU Member States reported the trafficking of cannabis through postal systems and, increasingly, through commercial air travel, sometimes linked to the United States and Canada. There are indications that larger quantities of herbal cannabis may be shipped from North America via maritime routes. This, alongside the appearance of new forms of the drug, raises concerns that developments in regulated cannabis markets outside Europe may increasingly have implications for the availability of this drug within the European Union in the future. The diversity of cannabis products available in Europe is increasing. This is true for the illicit drug market. It is also true for the consumer market, where products are appearing that contain low levels of THC, or other substances that may be derived from the cannabis plant such as CBD, or both. On the illicit drug market, the availability of high-potency extracts and edibles is of particular concern and has been linked to acute drug-toxicity presentations in hospital emergency departments. In addition, there are concerns that some products sold on the illicit market as cannabis may be adulterated with potent synthetic cannabinoids. For more information on these synthetic cannabinoids, see New psychoactive substances — the current situation in Europe. Some semi-synthetic cannabinoids have also appeared recently on the commercial market in parts of Europe. These are substances thought to be produced from cannabidiol extracted from low-THC cannabis hemp , not controlled under the international drug conventions. While knowledge of the effects of HHC in humans is limited, concerns have been raised as studies have emerged, including some reports of links to psychosis. Many of the cases involved young people, including children, who had consumed edibles, such as gummy bears. The European policy approach to cannabis is also becoming more diverse, as some EU Member States are considering or changing their policy approach to recreational cannabis use, creating various forms of access to cannabis resin and herb products. In December , Malta legislated for home growing and cannabis use in private, alongside non-profit communal growing clubs. In July , Luxembourg legislated to permit home growing and use in private, and in February , Germany legislated to allow home growing and non-profit cannabis growing clubs. Czechia has also announced plans for a regulated and taxed distribution system. In addition, non-EU Switzerland has started to authorise pilot trials of sales or other distribution systems for specific residents in certain cities. The Netherlands is also reviewing its approach in this area. The cultivation, sale and possession of cannabis remain criminal offences in the Netherlands. A concern with this approach is that cannabis is still necessarily supplied from the illegal market, and criminal groups therefore benefit from this trade. To address this issue, the Netherlands is piloting a model for a closed cannabis supply chain in 10 municipalities, with cannabis produced in regulated premises being made available for sale in cannabis coffeeshops. This data explorer enables you to view our data on the prevalence of cannabis use by recall period and age range. You can access data by country by clicking on the map or selecting a country from the dropdown menu. Prevalence data presented here are based on general population surveys submitted to the EMCDDA by national focal points. For the latest data and detailed methodological information please see the Statistical Bulletin Prevalence of drug use. Graphics showing the most recent data for a country are based on studies carried out between and Prevalence estimates for the general population: age ranges are and for Germany, Greece, France, Italy and Hungary; and for Denmark, Estonia and Norway; for Malta; for Sweden. In , of the 51 cities with comparable data, 20 reported an annual increase in the cannabis metabolite THC-COOH in wastewater samples, while 15 reported a decrease Figure 2. In most cities, sampling was carried out over a week between March and May Apart from the trends, data are for all treatment entrants with cannabis as the primary drug — or the most recent year available. Trends in first-time entrants are based on 25 countries. Only countries with data for at least 5 of the 6 years are included in the trends analysis. Missing values are interpolated from adjacent years. Because of disruptions to services due to COVID, data for , and should be interpreted with caution. Missing data were imputed with values from the previous year for Spain and France and Germany Price and potency: mean national values — minimum, maximum and interquartile range. Countries vary by indicator. Show source tables. The complete set of source data for the European Drug Report including metadata and methodological notes is available in our data catalogue. A subset of this data, used to generate infographics, charts and similar elements on this page, may be found below. Prevalence of drug use data tables including general population surveys and wastewater analysis all substances. Other data tables including tables specific to cannabis. Homepage Quick links Quick links. GO Results hosted on duckduckgo. Main navigation Data Open related submenu Data. Latest data Prevalence of drug use Drug-induced deaths Infectious diseases Problem drug use Treatment demand Seizures of drugs Price, purity and potency. Drug use and prison Drug law offences Health and social responses Drug checking Hospital emergencies data Syringe residues data Wastewater analysis Data catalogue. Selected topics Alternatives to coercive sanctions Cannabis Cannabis policy Cocaine Darknet markets Drug checking Drug consumption facilities Drug markets Drug-related deaths Drug-related infectious diseases. Recently published Findings from a scoping literature…. Penalties at a glance. Frequently asked questions FAQ : drug…. FAQ: therapeutic use of psychedelic…. Viral hepatitis elimination barometer…. EU Drug Market: New psychoactive…. EU Drug Market: Drivers and facilitators. Statistical Bulletin home. Quick links Search news Subscribe newsletter for recent news Subscribe to news releases. This make take up to a minute. Once the PDF is ready it will appear in this tab. Sorry, the download of the PDF failed. Table of contents Search within the book. Search within the book Operator Any match. Exact term match only. Prevalence and patterns of cannabis use Based on the most recent surveys Figure 2. Among to year-olds, an estimated It is estimated that around 1. Among to year-olds, an estimated 2. Trends in cannabis use at the national level appear mixed. Of the countries that have produced surveys since and reported confidence intervals, 3 reported higher estimates, 8 were stable and 2 reported a decrease compared with the previous comparable survey. This data source also indicates that consumers may be commonly using more than one form of this drug. Figure 2. Prevalence of cannabis use in Europe This data explorer enables you to view our data on the prevalence of cannabis use by recall period and age range. Users entering treatment for cannabis in Europe. Main subject. Target audience. Publication type. European Drug Report main page. On this page.

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