Buying hash Malang

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Buying hash Malang

Run Friday, 6 May Java, East Java, Batu. Photo Bjorn Grotting. When I requested David Lam, a. It is a year old, colonial-type, tiled-roofed building with two floors. The rooms, verandahs and lobby are large; and there is a swimming pool. There is greenery all around the rather small compound. Room rent includes breakfast. Having it, Indonesia or Western-style, on the patio facing the flowers and the yellow-bamboo grove, is just what a holiday is meant to be. Malang is a Regency, on a plateau, in the province of Jawa Timur. The separate Regency for Malang City was created 91 years ago. And 3 years ago Batu City also became a Regency. The altitude of Malang City is feet, and that of Batu is 2, to 3, feet. Malang is 80km from Surabaya, the provincial capital; and Batu is 20km from Malang city. Surabaya is the second largest city in Indonesia, and is the international gateway to the province by air. Believe it or not, according to scientists, Java has been inhabited since , Before Christianity. It is one of the five largest of the 14, habited and uninhabited islands — having no names — that comprise the Republic of Indonesia. With Java stretching km, Malang is a mere km away from the neighbouring island of Bali to the East. I had to resist the temptation of joining the Bali Hash anniversary celebrations during the weekend of May , preferring to do two runs in the cool hills. Jakarta is km from Malang, to the West. Hence, in spite of my best intentions, I could neither visit my three nieces, nor join my favourite Wednesday Harriettes run there. Among the tourist attractions in East Java are the city of Malang and the town of Batu. The Mount Bromo volcano, at an altitude of feet, is the most popular. People travel whole night to see the sunrise from nearby Mount Penanjakan at 8, feet. Ijen is a sulphur lake in a crater. There are various ancient temples, the largest being Penataran, built in AD. Plengkung beach is claimed to be the second best in the world for surfing, after Hawaii. I planned to spend my eight days relaxing and hashing in the Malang-Batu area. An account of hashing in Malang would not be complete without a few words about the fluent English-speaking, typical Chinese pony-tailed, David Lam. He and his blue-blooded Indonesian wife, Intan, are mail order purveyors of hash paraphernalia to the world of hashing intan. Unlike large garment factories, they home produce limited edition T-shirts, patches, stickers, caps, jackets, lanyards, etc. Their patches, used for stitching on to jackets, are of high standard, with intricate embroidery and padding for long lasting. The couple is a familiar smiling sight at their colourful stalls at various local, regional and international hash events. A former mariner, David is adventurous. He can be sharp-tongued and brash, but is a compulsive humourist, and is proud to be an achiever in adversity. However, the infamous Customs at Mumbai airport gave the couple a bit of a taste of Indian maastani, when they arrived with their hash bundles for Interhash Goa. David, Intan, and her elegant mother, most hospitably, treated me to some East Javanese delicacies. On Thursday morning the couple flew off to Bandar Lampung, with a group of hashers to attend the 2nd Pan South Sumatra Hash during the weekend. I was to be on my own with not a known soul around. But it was not to be so at Splendid Inn. On Wednesday evening I found a group of hashers Committee having a meeting at the lobby with samples of T-shirt design laid out on the table. Ali did not come, but a van-full came, leaving the front seat vacant for me. They were all happy men and giggling women, talking what seemed Greek to me, except for a few words of Indo-Malay that I was familiar with. I was warmly welcomed. Among them was a Taiwanese. His business card read Chou Teng Sung. But she was reluctant to pronounce it! He spoke some English. We drove 18km out of town to a small wholesale rice seed store with some vacant space inside and by the roadside. As soon as they got off the van, they started munching nuts, crackers and a local fruit that were provided. Just at 4, the Hash Mistress gave some directions, presumably about the trail, and the run began. The walkers trail would be of one and a half hour, it was translated for me. We meandered through the village and out on to the cultivated fields, rice and corn, walking along and crossing small irrigation canals, some concrete, some natural, across a graveyard, and then back through another village. Meantime, Teng Sung, the Taiwanese agricultural seed dealer, in broken English, was giving me a commentary on the passing plants. I laid trails for several Bangladesh Nash Hash there, having to wait till first week of February for the 8-feet plants to be harvested to let the hordes pass. It is used as a raw material; Bangladeshis would never eat kosova, let alone the leaves. He told me that Taiwan is mountainous and he had done hash of 5 to 8 hours climbing. That kept them fit, retiring age being That kept him quiet for sometime. Back at the venue, and on to the food, no time for taking a breath or even water — beef stew with rice; and crackers. The circle started after the food, without much delay. Not knowing a word of their language, I bowed out. Instead of ice, they douse the culprit with water; regular ones try to step aside; unknowing visitors like me get wet. Back at the hotel, while taking a shower, I noticed that a leach had bitten me, climbing into my shorts. After having its dinner at 5 PM like the locals, it had dropped off, but the bleeding had not stopped. I had to burn some newspaper to apply some ash to stop it. Otherwise, probably, I would have earned another hash name — an indecorous Indonesian Chinese one. Just found this by chance. Found this article today and it brings me to tears. I miss Malang so much…. I miss Oom Sodron and Oma Genit so much. After I left Indonesia in I had 98 runs. If I come back some day and run two more, will I get a tin mug? Do you guys still exist? This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Learn how your comment data is processed. Skip to content. Juned Choudhury December 17, 3 Comments. Get Directions. Juned Choudhury. Juned Choudhury from Dhaka, is an eco-travel consultant. E-mail: nishatch bdcom. Guest blogger, posted with permission. Tina Moors 5 Nov Reply. Thank you for bringing back lovely memories through this article. Vincent 'idefix' van Bruchem 10 May Reply. Hi, After I left Indonesia in I had 98 runs. Would it be possible? Please tell me yes! Leave a Reply Cancel reply Comment. 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Malang Hash House Harriers II

Buying hash Malang

In the neighbourhood of Ichhra in Lahore, hundreds of people gather every Thursday night at the shrine of Shah Jamal, a Sufi of the Suhrawardi and Qadiriyya orders silsila. Under the sacred peepal trees, devotees sit in a circle to witness and experience the sacred dance: dhamal. Repetitive rhythmic beats of dhols and frenzied barefoot whirling of the devotees create a trance-inducing effect on the audience. Participants reverently witness the performance, while collectively partaking in hashish-smoking — a derivative of cannabis. Devotees indulge in hashish intoxication as a communal activity complementing the ritual of dhamal. Sufi shrine culture in Pakistan is multi-faceted and diverse — while hashish does not feature uniformly across cultures of traditional shrines, smoking it is a communal and conspicuous activity associated with Qalandari shrines in Pakistan. Paradoxically, it is also one of the least studied phenomena in Islam. Despite its prominence in Islamic settings, it is frequently dismissed as illegal and representative of the degeneration of Islamic ideals. Deeming hashish to be a form of intoxicant, Islamic legal prohibition of intoxicants is extended to censure the use of hashish. Such phenomenon, by definition, is assumed as self-evidently distinct from proper and official Sufism. Because such an understanding of hashish is secular, the affiliation of hashish with Islamic thought and settings is rendered meaningless. It is helpful to note here the modern constitution of the analytical categories of religious and secular, which may not always be applicable to phenomena meaningful in terms of Islam. Disruptions in the processual constitution of Islam through colonialism and modernism in the 19th and 20th centuries are reflected in the loss of meanings of hashish, poverty, Qalandariyya, and asceticism in the conceptualisation of modern Islam. The history of Islamic legal thought surrounding the status of hashish does not display uniformity in legal opinions. He notes that while jurists traditionally equate intoxication with inebriation, they reflect far greater diversity of opinions in qualifying hashish as an intoxicant, and thereby, legally impermissible. Since every intoxicant was deemed forbidden in Islamic law, categorising hashish as an intoxicant was the logically necessary premise in framing its use as prohibited in Muslim societies. However, it has proven rather difficult to consistently equate the effects of alcohol and hashish. It has been noted that alcohol largely has the same effect on everyone: its consumers get exhilarated and joyous, numb from the painful sensations and prone to violence. It turns the concerns of its users inward and is conducive to contemplation and meditation. Considering the different natures and effects of wine and hashish, Islamic jurists have offered legal opinions ranging from strong negative evaluation to its legal sanction. A highly respected Hanafi judge, Jamal-ad-din al-Malati d. However, opinions such as his remained in the minority, while its legal status was discussed largely in terms of its intoxicating or corruptive effects. Legal framework alone, therefore, does not get us very far in understanding the supra-legal Islamic value of hashish. The mystical paths tariqa of Sufism, at the basic level, require strict adherence to the Sharia before journeying inwardly to the ascending stages of spiritual perfection and proximity to God. As anthropologist Jurgen Frembgen points out, well-established mystical paths are known as tariqat-i shariat, implying the close relationship between observance of law and institutional Sufism. There is, however, a not-so-small minority of mystics in Pakistan which does not accept this premise, and are distinct, in thought, practice and identity, from institutional Sufism. Underlying such an attitude of religiosity is the devaluation of the external world, where social life and norms are considered to be impediments to salvation. Qalandars live life as ascetics by rejecting social responsibilities, such as gainful employment, family life and social association. Based on the concept of tawwakul trust and reliance on God alone , qalandars live out the doctrine of reliance on God in its extreme form, by completely rejecting the world in favour of exclusive orientation towards God. Society inevitably draws and ties the devotee to the affairs of this world to the detriment of complete faith and trust in God. Having rejected the social values and formalism of the external world, qalandars disassociate themselves with the institutionalised forms of Islam, primarily Sharia. Since law governs external behaviour, qalandars view inherent in it the danger of riya self-conceit. Public adherence to legal and social norms can be a danger to a truly spiritual life, where the performance of public piety may be directed towards audiences other than God. Such performative piety can act as an obstacle to spiritual purification. Qalandars choose to deliberately violate Sharia to attract public blame and censure. It allows the mystic to seek the path in a more focused way, by becoming indifferent to public opinion, both positive and negative. Malamati piety inevitably leads to behaviour censured by the norms and prescriptions of the legal discourse. Acting against legal norms serves a deeply Islamic purpose for qalandars. Qalandars openly display disregard for prescribed ritual worship, violate public norms of decency by adopting minimal clothing or wearing black woolen cloaks signifying social withdrawal , and use hashish religiously. As an active rejection of established social customs and norms, qalandars seek the effacement of the individual or self, which forms the constitutive unit of modern society. To be a haunter of taverns is to be freed from self, Self-regard is paganism, even if it be righteousness. Contravention of legal norms, in such a context, acquires positive meaning while retaining its disrespectability. It reinforces the separation between society with its worldly concerns and qalandari mysticism with its Malamati piety. Hashish turned the seeker away from the lower passions related to this world, and elevated his concerns to matters of spiritual importance. It is the secret. Such radical embodiment of asceticism and renunciation came increasingly under attack with the advent of modernity through European colonialism. Nile Green notes that through colonial laws, moral and scientific discourses, modernity displaced the foundations of Qalandariyya as constitutive and representative of Islamic values. Reducing it to its material aspect, poverty was characterised not as symbolic of spiritual wealth, but as evidence of the downfall of Muslim societies. It conveniently conflated Islam with colonial conception of religion. Scientific discourse was also instrumental in associating drug use with criminality and insanity, through efforts such as the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission of Colonial construction and representation of qalandars and faqirs as symptomatic of the decay of Muslim society was, in turn, fundamental in justifying the moral authority of the colonial order. Muslim reformers of the 19th and 20th centuries — troubled by the eclipse of Muslim rule in the Indian subcontinent and elsewhere — embraced colonial criticism against Muslims practicing corrupted and denigrated forms of Islam. The decay of Muslim political rule was explained through the anti-work ethic, antinomian practices, and other-worldly piety of qalandars and faqirs. Seeking to reform Islam to bring it in harmony with the modernist values of progress, reason, and law, Muslim reformers marginalised those modes of religiosity and piety which protested against such a worldview. Orientalist and reformist categorisation of hashish as profane demarcated it from religion proper, rendering it meaningless in the constitution of modern Islam. For Muslims of Pakistan, the transition from the colonial order to the post-colonial was marked by the insistence upon an Islamic identity of state. Islam was defined through the state as primarily law. Liberal reframing of cannabis against its legal prohibition in terms of its medicinal and economic benefits, as recently echoed by Shashi Tharoor, merely reinforces the secularisation of hashish, despite noting the traditional use of cannabis in Hindu rituals. This article first appeared on Dawn. Newsletters Gift Membership. Become a member Subscribe Get app Sign in Take Scroll With You Download the app to read our award-winning journalism on the go and stay up-to-date with our notifications. Get the app. Gift Membership. A new book shows how the Covid pandemic worsened structural inequalities in Indian cities. Isometric exercises can help reduce blood pressure, improve body strength. In rare instance of compensation after demolition, Assam families still struggling. Legality of hashish The history of Islamic legal thought surrounding the status of hashish does not display uniformity in legal opinions. Photo credit: Farooq Soomro Considering the different natures and effects of wine and hashish, Islamic jurists have offered legal opinions ranging from strong negative evaluation to its legal sanction. Hashish and ascetic practices The mystical paths tariqa of Sufism, at the basic level, require strict adherence to the Sharia before journeying inwardly to the ascending stages of spiritual perfection and proximity to God. The grave of Lal Shahbaz Qalandar. Photo credit: Farooq Soomro Qalandars live life as ascetics by rejecting social responsibilities, such as gainful employment, family life and social association. Mahmud Shabistari d.

Buying hash Malang