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By using our site, you agree to our collection of information through the use of cookies. To learn more, view our Privacy Policy. To browse Academia. Globalization helps companies to reach people from every language, religion and nation and market their products. Every culture has its own values. The norms of a country can be perceived the differently in another coun-try. Brands create advertisements that are special to different cultures. Coca-Cola is one of the successful brands in this manner. Coca-Cola earned the sympathy of Kyrgyz people and is the leader in its sector. This study explores the profile of contemporary advertising in India in the wider context of trends in international advertising, the recent changes in Indian economy and society, and issues concerning the cultural impact of foreign advertising in India. Findings are complemented with a case study of outdoor advertising collected in three visits to India in , and In the s India witnessed a massive expansion of advertising, which was stimulated by the opening of the economy and the growth of the media. Though print is still the dominant media, during the s there was a rapid expansion of television accompanied by television advertising. The advertising industry was quickly overtaken by foreign advertisers and agencies that were affiliated with foreign advertising agencies. Advertising for repeat purchase consumables dominated advertising in India but consumer durable advertising expanded at this time as the disposable income levels of the middle classes rose. There was a change in advertising strategies and increased focus on local cultural references. Another recent trend driven by multinational companies has been the intensification of marketing to the rural sector. Foreign companies were slow to appreciate the market potential of India but in recent years there has been a massive expansion of advertising by foreign companies which plays an important cultural and role as the Indian economy increasingly becomes part of the globalized marketplace. The study uses a socio-cultural framework to explore the implications of globalization on cultural change. Advertising is the key focus because it plays a pivotal role at the junction where the economy and culture interact. Advertising plays an important cultural role which is largely ignored by critical social scientists and economists, while those working in the field of advertising are primarily interested in developing new ideas for attention-getting campaigns, and associated research tends to focus on facilitating better advertising and targeting markets more effectively. Gerbner presented the theory of cultivation under the umbrella of his 'cultural indicators' paradigm. Gerbner's theory of Cultivation indicates that viewers who have immense exposure to media, particularly to television, grasp the social truths of the world the way they are broadcast on the screen and this activity influences the audiences' attitudes and manners. Several scholars have exploited the cultivation theory to hypothesize about how media cultivates viewers' perception of health risk, socio-political and cultural values. The bottom-line of cultivation theory is that the higher amount of time people exploit 'living' in the television realm, the greater is the risk of their assuming the scenes being portrayed on the silver screen as truths rather social realities. Coca Cola can be well termed as one such brand that is internationally recognized and runs a worldwide marketing campaign. The proof for its success is that the brand is well known not because of the taste but for its strong advertising as well. This phenomenal brand promotion has inspired the researchers to investigate the factors, policies and strategies behind strong impact of Coke's advertising campaign through the Cultivation Theory. The brand has also made the researchers focus on what content exactly the coke ads contain and how it is presented on screen. For the study, Coke's advertisement in Pakistan was selected. For this mixed method study, a semi structured interview was held with the company manager in order to explore the first objective. The content of the message was analyzed by applying qualitative analysis. The data were analyzed by centering on the first two prongs of cultivation theory. The study revealed that the musical theme underlying the sense of festivity, merriment and celebration that had been promoted to elate the emotions meet the demand of Pakistan's collectivistic culture and hence, has become success factor of coke's consumerism and raised the impact as well. Processo Desconstituinte e Reforma Constitucional, Le infezioni in medicina : rivista periodica di eziologia, epidemiologia, diagnostica, clinica e terapia delle patologie infettive, International Journal of Business and Management, Log in with Facebook Log in with Google. Remember me on this computer. Enter the email address you signed up with and we'll email you a reset link. Need an account? Click here to sign up. Advertising and Globalization in India, Lynne Ciochetto. An Anthropological perspective on how the Coca-Cola Company pursue their aims locally while interacting with the global economy. Mark Newman. In order to proceed with such an enquiry I have considered the challenges that India poses for the marketing of globally produced FMCGs fast moving consumer goods followed by observation of how the marketing of Coca Cola has been tailored for the Indian context and commentary on its relative successes. Alongside the diversity of language are the variety of religious beliefs 6 with over 1 million believers: Hindu, Muslim, Sikh, Buddhist, Jain and Christian and local customs which flourish in its 29 states. After a year absence, neo-liberation policies in India allowed for its return in but to a very different cultural and economic landscape. During their absence local company Parle Brothers had formulated an alternative cola, Thums Up, alongside a number of other beverages like the lemon flavoured soda Limca and mango flavoured Maaza. Coke bought the complete Parle operations in and presumed that they could use their tried and tested method of taking their biggest competitors out of action. Vastrapur, Ahmedabad Although Pepsi, with their 6-year head start had paved the way in renewing demand for global cola, it was not so easy for the returning international soda-superstar. Pepsi embraced youth in its campaigning whereas Coke mistakenly focused on the American way of life. Kaye, It has been argued that such errant focus by global companies had undermined the popular conception of commercial imperialism. By reducing margins but increasing turnover, profit-seeking in India by global players was unleashed. Balakrishna, Coca Cola acknowledging its lack of comprehension of local particularities, launched upon extensive research in India. It realised that it was competing with traditional refreshments such as narial-pani coconut-water , nimbu-pani lemon-water , chai tea , lassi yoghurt drink and fruit juices. Competitive pricing in such a scenario was imperative. Kaye, Additionally one could note that affordability was a driver in the Indian context for desirability so Coke launched a ml returnable glass bottle at a lower prices of Rs. Translation in Regional Campaigns chapter It was also noted that soft drink consumption was somewhat limited to special occasions like outings, parties, festivals and weddings in contrast to more affluent countries where daily consumption occurred. Within consumers Coke located two distinct target markets: urban youth which they called India A and rural Indians which were called India B Balakrishna, In line with decentralising thrust of Coke internationally, local managers and advertising teams were recruited and regional teams were established in a multi-local network system. Such embracing of transnationality has been commended as encouraging local responsiveness. Southern states often require markedly different Coke and food combo with Southern style meal strategies such as alternate celebrity endorsements Tamil vs. Bollywood stars and promotion of Coke accompanying regionally relevant food combos. Further to such localised efforts were the national television commercial and print campaigns which took a turn from earlier American style aspiration value to a much more vernacular style which will be discussed in detail in the following section. Collectively such cultural mediation of marketing, based on greater insights of local specificity, contributed to the doubling of rural penetration from to and the pushing of Coke ahead of former leaders Pepsi and Thums Up in rural markets. In this manner one can see that the Thanda campaign attempts to embed Coca Cola in local tradition rather than inserting a foreign one. Rather than highlighting aspirational distance it focuses on proximity to the familiar with the intention of appealing to rural sensibilities. The ads are shot to look unconstructed in a way that embraces the local and celebrates the common-man. Drinking Coca Cola is not emphasised but cooling connotations are evident in the complete series. Thanda print ad showing a truck driver using a Coke bottle pour water into radiator. The concept of creolisation, which is usually equated with errant decoding of brand value, is here harnessed by the advertisers. Creolisation refers to the mixture of meanings and forms from ambivalent sources in transcultural contexts. In this way the specifically Indian concept of juggard is captured which entails localised ingenious improvisation. Award-winning Thanda press ad Although the campaign was aimed at India B, the way that it seems to intentionally undermine the conventional advertising project itself created an additional appeal with India A. This operates in the same way that ironic campaigns by Benetton and Diesel capture more affluent international audiences that have become jaded by incessant advertising. Bollywood actor Aamir Khan poses as a variety of regionally inspired characters in a highly idiomatic series of ads which additionally largely parody the Bollywood film genre. Once again the campaign represented an attempt to speak to the rural sector with the main screenings being on local television channels but later gained surprising popularity with India A and began to appear on cable and satellite channels as well. Barman gives him a soft drink. He asks again, same problem. Explains that by thanda he means Coca Cola leading into song and product focused shots. They venture into field and ask farmer for a thanda. He proceeds with poetically, rural, flirtatious banter. He draws up a bucket from the well which is full of Coke, leading into the tag-line and a song which parodies a traditional Punjabi folksong. The common-man wows the elite women. He goes on to explain that thanda means Coke which leads into a song. The local and class-based characteristics of paan chewing and tying of the lungi add a vernacular humor. The ad places Coke within reach of the elite woman and the common-man Khan. Husband asks for a thanda and wife gives him Coke. Guide asks for thanda and they give him a boxed juice of inferior quality. He is insulted and starts giving them an obviously misguided tour which they find confusing. Khan then announces that this is all as real as the juice is thanda to which they look embarrassed and hand over a Coke, leading into the tag-line and a comic song. The common-man gets the better of the middle-class couple. The comical characters do not patronise Indians as the ads employ the Bollywood genre feature of selfeffacing male characters. All use regionally specific language though this is able to be decoded by most Indians. All include a song which ties in the Thanda Matlab Coca-Cola tag line — usually related in style, language or manner to the location. Most ads show common-men in a favourable light than more elite characters. The exception being the gangster, but he would also not be considered elite so in this case rebel wisdom is celebrated. Hybridisation is further emphasized by mixture of Anglo and Indo scripts which reflects everyday speaking in which local languages like Hindi are peppered with English. How many rupees for a Coke? Everyone laughs and the women are impressed with their 1 rupee saviour. Kaye, Additionally lahris mobilise supply, as fixed shops are often not apparent in popular locations such as parks, colleges and even slums. Such vehicles are commonly branded by local sign-writers who also produce numerous wall advertisements — another way in which the Coca Cola visual marketing has become localised. Sign-writing of Coke advertising in India tempers the brand standardisation and consistency evident in more affluent countries while firmly anchoring it in an vernacular style of the Indian streetscape. Sign-writers tend to be relatively self-taught or have learnt through apprenticeships, adding to such inconsistency. Although modernisation is evident, hand painted typography is still commonly sighted in the array of competing signs Lovegrove, and Coca Cola is apparent in such displays. Blanketed hand-painted signage. Various delivery vehicles. It uses a local advertising company to devise locally relevant campaigns for the abundant number of festivals in the state. Such ads are not as slick as campaigns for more affluent countries but speak directly to their Gujarati audience and exemplify the multi-local approach of Coca Cola in India. Examples of using Coke to celebrate the local are campaigns for Navratri Gujarati nine night festival of traditional dance which look nothing like campaigns one would encounter for Coca Cola elsewhere in the world. To appeal to the mercantile sensibility of Gujaratis, tie-ups with alternate brands are apparent with Coke being coupled with other items for value added purchase. Rather than aspirational value it would seems that Indians respond more effectively to mediation of tradition by FMCGs. This is seen in the success of the Coke Goes Better with Food strategy which is used nationwide in the form of tie-ups with food outlets who get favourable deals for exclusivity of Coca Cola products. In so doing Coke again partakes in existing traditions rather than forging new ones. Gajendar, In Ahmedabad, as in other locales, table-top advertising is provided that highlights Coke and food combos that are region specific. It differentiates and homogenizes simultaneously. It does not destroy difference but manipulates it. The interplay between the global and the local Others look the other way through the same lens to justify local awareness and adaptation as a successful strategy in international product marketing. In regards to this more central position on glocalisation, I propose use the term to discuss visual branding as a site of negotiation between the duality of foreign company and local consumer. Viewing globalisation as an essentially homoginising force seems non-representative. One could see the Thanda press ads in India mediate such tension. In this way we can see that advertising is a process of transculturation synthesis of hybrid cultural forms and that as much as cultures can be perceived as globalising, introduced products frequently themselves become indigenised. Lull, Furthermore advertising can been seen as a contemporary form of myth-making which bridge contradictions as an anxiety reducing mechanism. Leymore, The Coca Cola Thanda campaign can be seen to attempt resolve Indian ambivalence of class, status and modernity. Hybridising of introduced products seems to come naturally to resilient Indian consumers who have fared a lengthy legacy of foreign influences. In a country where tandoori-chicken pizzas compete with McDonalds it is the ability to absorb and transform that seems to constitute the contemporary Indian Mazzarella, a The insertion of global products into local cultures can paradoxically result in diversity as such products are reconfigured through more localised meanings. Furthermore such an examination of the cultural as well as economic implications of transnational globalisation fuels future dialogue that has been hampered from more marketing-centric vantage points. It is my hope that this study contributes in some small way to the acknowledgement of active cultures over passive consumers as the end point for visual branding. Finally the NID rickshaw-wallahs who would stop at my frantic cries upon spotting Coke signs and patiently wait at countless locations in Ahmedabad while I photographed them. Appadurai, A. Arsel, Z. Balakrishna, P. Banerjee, S. Belk, R. Carnegie Mellon University, Pittsburg. Lie, R. Mattelart, A. Alicia Esther Reyes Montes. Ciro Lomonte. Harry potter 4 la coupe de feu Jawad Katten. Putting neoliberalism in its time and place: a response to the debate Bob Jessop. Jad Abu Saed. A novel pathogenic variant in the carnitine transporter gene, SLC22A5, in association with metabolic carnitine deficiency and cardiomyopathy features sara adimi. Danish K Chishti. Mohamed Helmy. Hapten-specific B cell repertoire probed by hybridoma technology: selection and characterization of representative clonotypes from the antibody-forming cell pool Richard Bankert. Related topics Media Studies Mediation India.

Alcohol levels were tested in the blood and the urine was tested for metabolites of cannabis and cocaine. Results showed 38% of patients.

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Jamaica: A State of Language, Mus The paper examines the evolution of language use in popular Jamaican music over six decades, between the two coexisting and simultaneously competing languages of Jamaica. English, a colonial linguistic inheritance, the official language of the post-colonial Jamaican State, competes for a place in music lyrics with the Jamaican Language Jamaican Creole, Patwa. This is the native language of the mass of the population and the de facto national language. The paper discusses how this battle plays out in terms of which language varieties are predominantly associated with which Jamaican popular music genres. In addition to a fourth leg, athletics, this prominence stands on three legs, its music, its language and political conflict associated with international crime. At the core is Jamaican popular music and its relationship to the languages used in Jamaica. One is the musical element itself, made up of sound organised according to pitch and rhythmic sequences, and reducible to a musical score. For music that does include within it the human voice, which is almost all of Jamaican popular music, it is words that are sung or otherwise performed by the voice. In the Jamaican language situation, two languages exist side by side. There is English, the official language, the main language of writing, education, public formal communication and the organs of the Jamaican State. These two languages are complementary in function for speakers who know English. Thus, those Jamaicans able to function in both languages tend to be from the privileged and highly educated classes. For monolingual speakers of Jamaican, the relationship between the languages is antagonistic. Such speakers may find themselves excluded from, or discriminated against, in official and public-formal situations, precisely those where English is the expected language of discourse. It is this relationship between the languages, both complementary and competitive, which we seek to capture in this examination of language in Jamaican popular music. We intend, as well, to study the impact that language use in music has had on the development of mass based national consciousness, and the effect this consciousness has had on how ordinary Jamaicans view the legitimacy of the post-colonial Jamaican State. We link this to the May, events in West Kingston, in which an entire area of the capital city was made into a no-go area by criminal gangs in defiance of a court order for the extradition of a community strongman wanted in the USA to face drug trafficking charges. This constitutes, arguably, the most significant threat to the Jamaican State since political independence in A major weakness of language in this situation is the ability to recall a language text which has already been uttered. Like the sped arrow, once uttered, the spoken word is gone. What has been uttered only has a continued existence if it exists in the memory of someone who heard it. When these texts are embedded in an aesthetically pleasing musical medium, they are more easily remembered than a simple everyday spoken utterance. As a result, music can and is used as a technology for enhancing the ability of humans to remember language texts embedded within music. If, in turn, one can apply to such music further technologies, notably those of amplification to reach large live audiences, broadcasting to reach out across space, and recording technologies to reach out across time and space, we have language texts whose communicative power is massively increased. These already technologized language texts, such as those which constitute Jamaican popular music, are traded widely as commodities in a mass market for music and entertainment, making their continued production economically sustainable. Those who do not understand the language are barred. Languages create communities within which these texts can easily circulate, while creating a communication wall around each language community. Out of this comes an increased sense of identification with the language in which the text is encoded. Knowledge of this language now gives one a special identity, which includes some people and excludes others. The boundaries of this community can correspond roughly to a geographical area, or to people originating from that area, and who see themselves as having much in common. The conditions are thus created for the emergence of the particular speech variety employed as a national language, the linguistic symbol of a nation. It is against this background that one can understand the Jamaican music scene during the s, the decade prior to the emergence of Jamaica as an independent State. It contains reminiscences of the early Jamaican popular music pioneers, in particular Ken Khouri, Ivan S. Chin and Brian Motta, son of pioneer Stanley Motta. This material provides a rich source of primary data on the early development of Jamaican popular music which will be used in the ensuing discussion. Within this music were imported language texts, mainly in North American and UK varieties of English. This reflected the integration of Jamaica into British colonial and US networks of language communication, characterised by the consumption of language texts in music from these sources. Since the vast majority of the population did not speak or understand much English, the language text component of this music would have communicated effectively with only the tiny English speaking elite in the country. It is their integration into the Anglo-Northern American communication network that this imported music largely represented. This reality conflicted with the operations of the mass market created internationally by the technology associated with record stamping plants involved in the mass production of gramophone music records. Colonial, foreign and elite control over the language of texts circulating through the popular music medium was in conflict with the need for products with a mass appeal. In Jamaica, the merchants involved in the commercial distribution of music records, in close contact with the consumers and their tastes, had a clear sense of what the mass market wanted. They saw a gap and a business opportunity. By , they had moved to become creators of the music records they distributed. MRS was set up by the Motta chain of electrical goods stores to record music which would subsequently be sold in its stores. Up until , the Motta stores had only sold imported gramophone records. That year, MRS began recording musical performances in local studios, recordings which they described as calypso music. They sent these recordings overseas to be used to mass produce gramophone records which were then imported for sale in Jamaica Hawks, At that point, the element of import substitution involved was at the intellectual property and creative levels. The content recorded on the gramophones, previously exclusively the product of foreign producers, was being substituted for by locally composed, performed and recorded music. However, the actual gramophone records carrying this locally recorded music were imported commodities. As is the case with MRS, Khouri describes the local music he started recording as calypso. He claims, however, that he preceded MRS in the business, starting as far back as the late s. As with MRS, the resulting recordings were sent to the UK to be stamped onto gramophone records which were then shipped back to Jamaica for sale. His first record label was, not surprisingly, called Times Records. He, however, went a step further. He imported the pressing equipment needed for manufacturing gramophone records in Jamaica. Khouri Katz, seems to suggest as the date that that occurred, and that he manufactured, under licence, recordings originating in North America and elsewhere, as well as Jamaican material. Khouri has claimed that his record pressing plant was the first enterprise to be located on the industrial estate. His recording and manufacturing operations were eventually sold to the Bob Marley owned Tuff Gong label in Hawks, At other times, the term mento-calypso is applied to Jamaican folksongs converted into the generic popular music style, calypso, whereas the newly composed songs are often referred to plainly as calypso. The musical accompaniment ranged from the so-called urban with brass section and guitar, such as Lord Fly along with Dan Williams and His Orchestra, to the rural involving musical accompaniment using traditional instruments such as the banjo and rhumba box, as represented by the Ticklers. To further complicate matters, traditional folk songs were not restricted to being performed by instruments of the traditional and rural sort. With the language described as being in and of itself musical, there is the suggestion that it adds to the musicality of the Jamaican calypso within which it occurs as sung lyrics. Its distinctiveness is a combination of the musical dialect of Jamaican speech, the unique sound of the native instruments and the subtle rhythm that marks it and separates it from the music of other West Indian islands. It is the distinctive Jamaican accent that gives added interest to the Jamaican calypso. In fact, the language of the musical texts in s Jamaican calypso is not unvarying. As might be expected, the traditional, rural, folksong type pieces are consistently sung in Jamaican. However, at the other extreme of the continuum, composed modern songs, often with orchestral accompaniment to match, are sung in a mix of English and Jamaican, with the former often being used as an attention grabber in the first verse of the song and in the chorus. According to a quote from Brian Motta in liner notes Take Me to Jamaica, , by , the demand for Jamaican calypso style recordings had fallen dramatically. According to these same liner notes, MRS, whose entire existence and recording catalogue was based on this kind of music, went out of the recording business. According to Brian Motta quoted in liner notes Ibid. Linguistically, the language of the song texts of this new wave of imported music was entirely English, replacing a genre that was largely in Jamaican, albeit with a significant presence of English. There was, therefore, little opportunity for carry-over of Jamaican language into the song texts of the new form. The local substitutes stuck to English, imitating the original music. In , a referendum was held in Jamaica on the question of whether the country should seek political independence within a federal state, or whether it should leave the federation and achieve independence on its own. Jamaica voted to leave the federation. Those whom the State governed in favour of, foreign investors from North America and Europe, and their local allies, had not changed. Yet, they had an identity as Jamaicans, formed by a collective resistance to colonialism and shared cultural values, transmitted in large measure by a common language — Jamaican. From the very beginning, therefore, there was crisis of the State. The newly independent Jamaican State did not represent the Jamaican nation. Although no. In spite of the dominance of Jamaican in the lyrics of popular music of the previous decade, Jamaica became independent in under the hegemony of English within the popular music field. The only language in which the newly emerging Jamaican State carried out all its official functions, including public communication, was English. It functioned as the de facto exclusive official language in the manner of States of Anglo-Saxon influence, by general consensus, and in the absence of any legislation granting it official status. They were all attempts to address the alienation that existed between the newly independent State and the nation. Arguably, however, the most consistent and politically potent force attacking this alienation was the changing linguistic attitudes and practices. Inexorably and relentlessly, the Jamaican language was expanding into domains previously the preserve of English. This can be studied using a database by Jones forthcoming on the top 20 songs in Jamaica in the first 50 years following independence Because Jamaican is a Creole language which derives the bulk of its vocabulary from English, the area in which the two languages are most distinct is in morpho-syntax. Jones, therefore, coded the lyrics of 1, songs which were in the top 20 for the 50 year period, in relation to the eleven most frequently occurring morpho-syntactic variables that distinguish between English and Jamaican. This produced a total of 27, instances where the performer had a choice between an English and a Jamaican form. The following statistics come from the statistical analysis of the database as presented his work. This musical genre had a uniformly high frequency of use of Jamaican, By contrast, if we look at the singing delivery style dominant in the musical genres of ska, rocksteady and reggae, there is also an increase in Jamaican Language use, from 3. Reggae, the preeminent musical genre performed through singing, in the first decade showed a 3. Whilst informal speech was predominantly in Jamaican, the public performance of popular music was, given its peculiar recent history, predominantly in English. This was merely a play out of the larger societal diglossia in which public formal domains were the preserve of English, in contrast to private informal ones that were that of Jamaican. With language attitudes generally changing, there was an influx of Jamaican language use into areas where only English was the norm. Westphal, This was to act as a battering ram to knock down the barriers preserving English as the dominant language of Jamaican music. Even though a process of Jamaicanisation has been occurring for decades, the area of language in the music has arguably been the place where this process has encountered most resistance. Popular music is the orature which fashions and reinforces national identity in the Jamaican context. It has done so by way of imposing its language within that field. The result is that Jamaican music lyrics have shifted towards a greater use of Jamaican, the language of the nation, in preference to English, the language of the State. At the level of linguistic form, these texts serve to represent the beauty of the national language as well as its values and world view. In societies without writing, such as Mycenaean Greece or the Mali Empire, these bodies of language are in the form of oral texts which are performed to music. In the emergence of nation-States in Western Europe from the xv th century onward, the printing press played an important role. Through colonial expansion by European powers since the xv th century, the modern, European notion of nation-State has come to predominate globally. This notion, therefore, rests on ideas about identities and communication networks produced by the technology of writing, aided by another technology, that of the printing press Illich, ; Ong, The version of national consciousness which was being forged by the official post-colonial State, based on writing, literature and print in English, was under challenge. The challenger, by the s, was an alternative, mass national consciousness, based on oral texts performed in the dancehall genre in deejaying style, in the Jamaican language. Among its major themes was the glorification of violence carried out by non-State actors, specifically gunmen operating as part of unofficial armies from economically deprived communities across urban Jamaica. It is here worth noting that, even though across all the themes covered by the 2, song corpus stretching across 50 years by Jones, Jamaican language use accounts for only Given that the State takes on to itself a monopoly of the use of violence, a popular body of Jamaican language orature with a heavy emphasis on the justification and glorification of violence by non-State actors, is a threat to its security. The inherited post-colonial European-descended Jamaican State had no legitimacy amongst the mass of the Jamaican population. This State functioned in English, to the benefit of the linguistic and cultural minority who had inherited State power from the British. This was a group widely believed to be linked to cocaine smuggling to the USA. He supposedly inherited this leadership position from his father who died in prison in mysterious circumstances while awaiting extradition to the USA on drug trafficking charges. Christopher Coke is reputed to have consolidated the illegal international business network developed by his father, as well as control over the Tivoli Gardens community where his operations were based. His operations had assumed many of the features of a State within a State. Thus, in , when the USA issued a request to the Government of Jamaica for Coke to be extradited to the USA for him to face drug trafficking charges, this was bound to create a major crisis for the Jamaican State. This was particularly true since Coke controlled the political constituency represented in parliament by Bruce Golding, who was then Prime Minister. After initially refusing the extradition request, but under increasing pressure from the USA, it was acceded to in May, The police and military, on 24 May , launched a concerted attack on Tivoli Gardens to arrest Coke. This was in response to what seemed to be pre-emptive strikes against police stations outside the siege area made presumably by Coke supporters. There are many indications that the operations were assisted by USA and other foreign security forces Drayton, In the end, there may have been more than 70 deaths; Coke escaped during the assault, though he was later captured and extradited to the USA, where he faced the charges and was convicted Geddes, Through one of his business enterprises, Presidential Click, he had been responsible for the promotion of Passa-Passa, one of the biggest street dances in Jamaica during the early s. There had been an ongoing war — both lyrical and physical — between the camps associated with the two leading dancehall deejays, Gully linked to Movado and Gaza with Vybz Kartel. The then Prime Minister, Bruce Golding, who was the parliamentary representative for West Kingston, which included Tivoli Gardens, requested a face-to-face meeting involving both artistes. The meeting reportedly involved four cabinet ministers and a bishop. Dreisinger , however, suggests that this intervention was not effective. According to him, the conflict was only resolved when a figure of even greater influence became involved. The top leader of the existing State, with a political base in Tivoli Gardens, and the embryonic one, with a base in the identical community, both sought to exercise influence. It was the writ of the embryonic State, however, which won out. The predictable challenge to the Jamaican State, via a dancehall-connected embryonic State, had happened. The international community, led by the USA, supported the Jamaican State in defeating this challenge. The original prediction was based on an assumption that, like in the historical situations where orality-based States had emerged, there was no significant external support in favour of the challenged status quo. Riding on the its music riddim , the cultural products of a subordinated Jamaican language-centred nation, developed to represent and reproduce it symbolically, has an international market. The nation, whose aspiration to have its identity expressed through the power of a State was suppressed that year by the international community along with its local allies, is rising in international prestige. This prestige is expressed through its soft power, international admiration for its language, music and dance. Inevitably, if, within Jamaica, the existing State continues to fail to represent the nation, it will again be challenged. This time, it will be confronted by a nation reinforced in its sense of self by the global spread of its cultural power. The very same forces of internationalisation and globalisation which acted as a hindrance in , are increasing the chances of the Stateless nation, rooted in the Jamaican language and its orature, successfully seizing the English-medium nationless post-colonial Jamaican State. Failure to do this leaves the nation to aspire to a State which would be a truer manifestation of itself. Jamaica Gleaner , « M. Privacy Policy — About Cookies — Report a problem. OpenEdition member — Published with Lodel — Administration only. Skip to navigation — Site map. La revue des musiques populaires. Contents - Previous document - Next document. Hubert Devonish and Byron Jones. Geographical index: Kingston. Chronological index: , , , , , Outline Introduction. Full text PDF k Share by e-mail. Full size image. Top of page. Latest issues 20 : 2 The End of Music Genres? Uses of reflexivity in cultural sociology 3 : 2 Hip-Hop sounds. The French journal of popular music studies Volume! Follow us RSS feed. Newsletters OpenEdition Newsletter. In collaboration with. In All OpenEdition. On Volume! Home Catalogue of journals OpenEdition Search. All OpenEdition. OpenEdition Freemium. OpenEdition Search Newsletter.

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