Buying coke online in Ciudad Juarez

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Buying coke online in Ciudad Juarez

Tom Wainwright: It is a manual for how to run a drug cartel. So, please, share some tips on becoming a successful drug lord. Actually, the barriers to entry in the drug business are quite high. The key important thing you have to be prepared for is violence, which is inextricable from the drugs trade. And there is a sort of economic reason for that. Because the business is illegal, the only way people have of enforcing contracts is violence. The contract is a crucial basis of every other business. So the only way to enforce the contract in an industry like drugs is through the use of violence or at least the threat of it. Sorry, but no. And this idea of fair trade cocaine is a bit of a joke, too. This is just the economic explanation as to why illegal businesses are always accompanied by violence. There is just no other way to enforce contracts. The drug business is a completely different kind of market: a hidden market. The big local dealer of a particular drug with all the contacts within the area will always have a big advantage over someone just starting off. But I asked you how to become a drug lord, not some low-level pusher. It varies a lot, actually. There is a quite interesting example at the moment in the United States, where heroin has taken off again. One reason for this increase in consumption is the epidemic of opiate abuse, OxyContin, and other prescription drugs. But another one is that Mexican cartels are pushing the product quite heavily in the United States. And in some cases, it seems that they are doing that by actually sending their own people to the United States to don the dealing. But it changes when it comes to heroin. I spoke to some guys from the DEA in Colorado. They would send over a small team of people from Mexico to the United States to start pushing the drug. When they use their own people from Mexico they have a stronger hold on them; they know who these guys are, and they know who their families are, so they can put a lot of pressure on them. They control everything from the cultivation of the poppies from which the heroin is made, to the distribution in the United States. That sounds quite old-school. I thought that every global business is run like Apple nowadays: every part of the product is manufactured in a different place in the world. Crossing borders is very expensive, you have to bribe the guards. It makes sense that the Sinaloa Cartel tries to keep as much of the process as they can within one single organization. It minimizes the risk of the product being discovered, it minimizes the cost of the product being shipped around. And they seem to be pretty successful, they spread very, very quickly. Instead of sending their own guys, like the Sinaloa Cartel does in the U. What they offer is the use of the brand, weapons, sometimes training. Yes, exactly. The brand matters in most business, drugs included. Sometimes they do it on Facebook, I know someone who received a ransom like that. To make this kind of extortion profitable you have to drive up the response rate. The branding is a really big deal, and the local gangs will pay the Zetas a cut from all of their earrings just to use it. Decapitations, tortures, violence — it all adds up to this fearsome image, which is then capitalized upon at some point. But many drug lords love to present themselves as men of the people. Many of them spent quite large sums of money on helping Colombian people. In Mexico, there are even churches with brass plates on them saying that it was built with a generous donation from some guy that turns out to be the head of the Zetas. They need a basic level of support from their people, and in order to gain that support you have to invest in a local community project. Watch Narcos and you will see how the Colombian people kind of know where Pablo Escobar is. Because they operate in the communities in which the government has frankly not been adept at serving the public, drug lords can easily earn trust and support by filling this vacuum. Again, consider other companies. Why do you think it is that the so-called dirty industries, like the oil industry, are some of the most enthusiastic users of CSR? Because they know they have a reputation problem. Not only do I have to be a merciless criminal, but also a shrewd businessman. Is there some easier way for beginners? Selling online? So, you can buy and sell drugs in a pretty similar way to buying and selling clothes on Etsy, but on the Dark Web. The internet made it much easier for start-ups, for new people in the industry to enter the retail business, and not only drugs. Imagine if you make clothes or jewelry, normally setting up a shop would have involved incredible expenses. With the internet, now you can do it more or less for free. So it makes it much easier for new entrants. Customers are flagging up the quality and purity of the products, and choose between the different companies offering the best price. The online drugs market is the one where really the person who gets the highest market share is a person who offers the best product for the best price. Not really. I suppose the role the internet is filling at the moment is that it bridges the gap between the sort of wholesalers and the consumers. As I understand it, the people who are selling drugs online probably buy quite large quantities on the wholesale level, in the port of Southampton for example. Shipping internationally would be more difficult from a security point of view. If you look online at the Dark Web, what you tend to find is people selling products in their own country, or perhaps within the EU. And there could be another reason. I suppose they might resist any kind of move to shipping online. It would mean that their skills would become less profitable. When I lived in Mexico I told people to send me Christmas cards in July, because it would take them so long to arrive. Often people want it the next day, and these online retailers offer them next day delivery for an extra charge. Very professional. Online you can buy illicit drugs and so-called legal highs. And many consumers tend to choose the latter, because their possession is usually decriminalized. They have a bigger problem to be bothered about: legalization of cannabis. They find it very, very hard to compete with legal producers who produce the drug of much higher quality. Doing the drinks, for instance, is technically more difficult and more expensive. In the same way, Mexican cartels are fairly unlikely to start smuggling cannabis-infused ice tea for instance which is something you can buy in Colorado and is very popular by the way. I think the cartels have a real problem here. The cannabis market is becoming a totally different market. Much more aspirational. The packaging is quite beautiful. It looks like a kind of posh perfume or something like that. A lot of the farmers in Mexico that used to grow cannabis are now growing opium. We can observe a quite significant increase in the heroin supply. There were some reports as well of drug tunnels being used to smuggle people. So it all suggests that in some areas the cartels are finding it very difficult. Legalizing cannabis is big deal. In the past the people reckoned that up to about a half of the income of the Sinaloa cartel came from cannabis. Maybe if cannabis was legal, drug dealers could leave the criminal world and become legitimate businessmen. Why worry about that? When cannabis is legalized a lot of street dealers lose their income. A job in cannabis industry sounds like a perfect career opportunity for them. What people were worried about was the idea of an organized crime network suddenly having access to this lucrative bigger market and using that money in other types of crime. I think that worry is a reasonable one. When I spoke to the police in Colorado, even people who were very against the idea of legalization admitted that so far there is no sign of organized crime getting involved in the legal business. Above all, succeeding in business like this requires completely different skills to those that were important in the illegal business. If you want to be a successful drug lord, you have to be an expert on violence, smuggling across borders, and bribing the police. Selling legal cannabis is a completely different job. Succeeding in this business requires you to be good at marketing, in making these chocolates and cookies and other edibles. It requires you to be very good at obeying hundreds of new regulations. What else can I do? Maybe I could apply for a job in the Drug Enforcement Agency. But would I still have a job in next ten, twenty years? As long as those two things continue, a very large criminal market is going to exist. The only way to get around that is either those countries stop importing drugs completely, meaning that people living there have to stop taking drugs. Or these countries could think seriously about legally regulating these drugs rather than just banning them. This is actually something that more and more people are thinking about seriously. But as long as those two things continue. As long as countries demand these drugs stay illegal and continue to buy them, I think careers in law enforcement will still exist. We are making its digital records available on this website free of charge. Find out more about the project Contact Krytyka Polityczna: krytykapolityczna. This is what a drug baron looks like according to the popular show The Wire. Photo by: Wikipedia. Dawid Krawczyk: Your book is advertised as a business manual for drug lords. What would I need beside a willingness to use violence? You would also need quite an extensive list of contacts to start off in this business. This model applies to every drug cartel? Los Zetas Cartel is different. They have their franchise. A franchise? The brand? I get it, but what does the brand have to do with it? Because otherwise, the people would rat them out? We know that Sean Penn knew where El Chapo was hiding. Do you know Etsy? The website where you can buy handmade jewelry and clothing, right? What do you mean by aspirational? So how do cartels adapt to this new economic reality? Dawid Krawczyk. He conducts interviews and writes feature stories and reviews. He has been with Krytyka Polityczna since and is the managing editor of Political Critique magazine and its drug policy section.

Queen Pin: The Woman Who Ran the Border Drug Trade

Buying coke online in Ciudad Juarez

Official websites use. Share sensitive information only on official, secure websites. This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Noncommercial License which permits any noncommercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author s and source are credited. We examined correlates of ever injecting drugs in Mexico among residents of San Diego, California. From to , injecting drug users IDUs in San Diego underwent an interviewer-administered survey. Logistic regression identified correlates of injection drug use in Mexico. Factors independently associated with ever injecting drugs in Mexico included being younger at first injection, injecting heroin, distributive syringe sharing at least half of the time, and transporting drugs over the last 6 months. Prospective studies should monitor trends in cross-border drug use in light of recent Mexican drug policy reforms partially decriminalizing drug possession. The corridor including the two cities is an unbroken metropolitan area. More than 50 million land border crossings between the US and Mexico take place at the San Ysidro border crossing per year, making it the busiest land border crossing in the world \[ 2 \]. In , the proportion of the population who reported injecting drugs in the Mexican state of Baja California, where Tijuana is located, was 4. Injection drug use is especially common in the central business district of Tijuana, where it is estimated that there are approximately 10, injection drug users IDUs \[ 4 \]. Previous research on IDUs in Tijuana found that heroin was the most frequently injected drug, but methamphetamine use is also high among IDUs \[ 6 \]. A qualitative study conducted in Tijuana in identified abundant use, cross-border use, and trafficking of methamphetamine \[ 8 \]. IDU populations are noted for their high level of mobility related to searching for work, safety, and access to illicit drugs, which has been associated with an elevated risk of acquiring and transmitting blood-borne infections \[ 10 \]. For example, shooting gallery use and sharing of injection equipment was elevated among IDUs who had recently migrated from Puerto Rico to New York City \[ 11 \]. Another study found associations between various drug scene roles, such as selling drugs and needles, and risky injection behaviors among Puerto Rican IDUs with high levels of mobility who travelled between the US and Puerto Rico \[ 12 \]. In Brazil, spread of malaria from an endemic region to a non-endemic region was linked to syringe sharing among mobile IDUs \[ 13 \]. In border regions, where differences in neighboring drug markets may serve as a motivator for cross-border mobility, the role of injection drug use in the transmission of infectious diseases is of special interest. In a review article, Rachlis et al. Richard Garfein Sept The high proportion of active syphilis infections among IDUs in Tijuana suggests that syringe sharing could promote parenteral syphilis transmission \[ 22 \]. Spread of infections in the Mexico-US border region may be facilitated by highly mobile populations, including IDUs, who reside close to the border and can cross freely between these neighboring countries, but few studies have examined this phenomenon empirically. In August , federal Mexican drug policy was enacted that partially decriminalized possession of small quantities of specific drugs for personal consumption e. As these laws become adopted in Mexican states, this policy shift could affect drug using behaviors and mobility in the Mexico-US border region. To our knowledge, no studies have examined the frequency and factors associated with border crossing among IDUs in the US who travel to Mexico. Eligibility criteria included residing in San Diego County, having injected drugs within the last 6 months and being at least 18 years old. Participants were recruited through street outreach at the San Diego syringe exchange program, through word of mouth, and referrals from other observational studies. The study instrument consisted of a questionnaire eliciting data on demographic characteristics, drug use behaviors such as injection frequency, receptive syringe sharing i. Participants were specifically asked if they traveled to Mexico in their lifetime and in the last 6 months, if they injected drugs in Mexico and if they engaged in receptive and distributive syringe sharing in Mexico, but were not specifically asked if they transported drugs over the border. Additionally, information was obtained on perceived changes in drug market conditions, such as whether the price, purity, and availability of heroin, methamphetamine, cocaine and other drugs had increased, decreased or stayed the same over the last 6 months. Variables reflecting perceptions and participation in the drug market were based in part on questions derived from a survey conducted by the San Diego Association of Governments among San Diego arrestees. Pre and post test HIV counseling was conducted for all participants. Those who were previously unaware of their HIV status and tested HIV-positive were referred to county clinics for confirmatory testing, counseling and medical care. Participants were asked whether they had ever tested positive for syphilis, gonorrhea, and Chlamydia, chancroid, and other sexually transmitted infections STIs but were not tested for these infections. The likelihood ratio test was used to compare nested multivariate models. In order to substantiate our results we repeated our logistic regression analysis on a subset of subjects, comparing those who injected in Mexico during the last 6 months to those who had not. Of the participants initially enrolled, two were excluded because they had missing information on whether or not they had ever injected drugs in Mexico. Of the IDUs included in the analysis, most were male Although Median age was 37 and median age at first injection of drugs was 21 years range: 9—53 , respectively. Overall, A total of 83 Of the 83 subjects who ever injected in Mexico, As shown in Table 1 , compared to other IDUs, those who had ever injected in Mexico were younger at first injection median age 19 vs. Those who had ever injected in Mexico were also more likely to report being involved in the drug market, for example, by packaging drugs or transporting drugs in the last 6 months. It should be noted that these risk behaviors could have occurred in Mexico or the US or both. Variables that did not differ between those who injected in Mexico and those who did not included HIV serostatus, self reported STI status, and sexual behaviors. The sub-analysis that compared IDUs who injected in Mexico during the last 6 months versus those who had not generated similar parameter estimates results not shown. In this sample of IDUs recruited in San Diego, CA from to , approximately one-quarter reported ever injecting drugs in Mexico, of whom nearly half reported injecting drugs in Mexico over the last 6 months. More than one-fifth reported receptive syringe sharing in Mexico and two-fifths reported distributive syringe sharing in Mexico, suggesting there is considerable cross-border mobility and possible mixing among IDUs in San Diego who travel to Tijuana. IDUs who ever injected drugs in Mexico were more likely to be younger heroin injectors who were involved in some riskier drug behaviors, such as syringe sharing, than those who never injected in Mexico. In the current study, IDUs who had ever injected in Mexico were significantly more likely to have engaged in distributive syringe sharing and transporting drugs. The finding that IDUs who ever injected drugs in Mexico were more likely to have transported or packaged drugs implies a connection to the illicit drug trade. Various roles in the drug scene, such as selling drugs, have been associated with elevated odds of injection drug use and syringe sharing \[ 12 , 26 \]. Another study from Asia found similar results along a major drug supply route: IDUs who traveled from China, where drugs were scarce, to a region in Vietnam where drugs were plentiful, were more likely to cross the border to purchase drugs than non-IDUs \[ 27 \]. IDUs who had ever injected drugs in Mexico were two and a half times more likely to have perceived a decrease in the price of at least one drug in San Diego compared to IDUs who had never injected in Mexico. This association appeared to be driven by a perceived decrease in the retail price of methamphetamine. These super labs have been implicated in the increased supply of methamphetamine from Mexico to the United States, and may have affected its retail price. Regulation of precursor chemicals by the United States and Canada in the early s limited supply of methamphetamine produced by super labs \[ 29 \] and may have led to increased prices. The finding that San Diego IDUs who injected in Mexico had perceived a price decrease in drugs is unexpected, given the San Diego methamphetamine market conditions at the time of the study. Our findings could imply that IDUs who injected in Mexico and who were price-sensitive could be crossing into Mexico to purchase methamphetamine, where it is less expensive, with the intention of reselling it in San Diego. This is speculative, however, and further investigation is needed to explain this finding. However, since our analysis was cross-sectional and the relationships between mobility and drug market factors such as purity, price and availability are complex, caution should be exercised in the interpretation of our data. For example, price and purity of methamphetamine in the United States are also subject to influences such as policy changes in the US and Mexican regulating precursor chemicals \[ 32 \]. In support of the literature indicating that IDUs who are mobile tend to be more likely to report riskier injection behavior sharing \[ 10 \], IDUs who injected drugs in Mexico were more likely to have engaged in distributive syringe sharing, and were younger when they initiated injection drug use. Almost half of Tijuana IDUs had injected with someone from the United States, though it is unknown whether those injection events occurred in the US or in Mexico \[ 24 \]. Future studies will be needed to explore the extent to which IDUs engage in drug and sexual risk behaviors with members of social networks on either side of the border, which could have important implications for the transmission of blood-borne pathogens. Our analysis was limited by the fact that our outcome variable captured lifetime injection experiences in Mexico relative to several of the independent variables whose time frame was during the 6 months before the interview. However, nearly half of our participants who ever injected in Mexico crossed into Mexico during the last 6 months, of whom about one-quarter of those injected in Mexico. Additionally, our sub-analysis that compared those who injected in Mexico during the last 6 months versus those who had not yielded similar associations, suggesting that this issue may not have seriously biased our findings. Other limitations include the potential for selection bias due to convenience sampling, as well as socially desirable responding which may have attenuated some associations. Prospective studies are needed to monitor trends in cross-border drug use, its relationship to the drug market, and its impact on behaviors and health outcomes for residents of both the US and Mexico. Such trends should be monitored closely. We thank Cindy Burke from the San Diego Association of Governments for sharing questions on drug market participation, Carlos Vera, Tim Ross, and Jim Zians for assistance with data collection, the study participants, and Katy Kessler for assistance with manuscript preparation. As a library, NLM provides access to scientific literature. J Immigr Minor Health. Find articles by Tyson Volkmann. Find articles by Sanghyuk S Shin. Find articles by Richard S Garfein. Find articles by Thomas L Patterson. Find articles by Robin A Pollini. Find articles by Karla D Wagner. 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Buying coke online in Ciudad Juarez