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In examining the allegations in the Mercury News and elsewhere, it is important to understand the timing of funding of the Contras by the United States. The following dates explain the periods during which the United States government provided funding to the Contras or cut off such funding. Anastasio Somoza Debayle was the leader of Nicaragua from until July , when he was overthrown by the Sandinistas. On November 17, , President Reagan signed National Security Directive 17, authorizing provision of covert support to anti-Sandinista forces. On December 1, , Reagan signed a document intending to conceal the November 17 authorization of anti-Sandinista operations. The document characterized the United States' goal in Nicaragua as that of interdicting the flow of arms from Nicaragua to El Salvador, where leftist guerrillas were receiving aid from Sandinista forces. In late , Edward P. Boland, Chairman of the House Select Committee on Intelligence, introduced an amendment to the Fiscal Year Defense Appropriations bill that prohibited the CIA, the principal conduit of covert American support for the Contras, from spending funds 'for the purpose of overthrowing the government of Nicaragua. This funding was insufficient to support the Administration's 'Contra program' and the decision was made to approach other countries for monetary support. Oliver North. In October , the second Boland amendment took effect. It prohibited any military or paramilitary support for the Contras from October 3, , through December 19, During this time, however, the National Security Council continued to provide support to the Contras. On October 5, , a plane loaded with supplies for the Contras, financed by private benefactors, was shot down by Nicaraguan soldiers. On board were weapons and other lethal supplies and three Americans. The Reagan Administration denied any knowledge of the private resupply efforts. In , after the discovery of private resupply efforts orchestrated by the National Security Council and Oliver North, Congress ceased all but 'non-lethal' aid in The war between the Sandinistas and the Contras ended with a cease-fire in Although the Contras were often referred to as one group, several distinct factions made up the Contras. This group was known as the Northern Front because it was based in Honduras. Pastora's group was based in Costa Rica and along the southern border of Nicaragua, and therefore became known as the Southern Front. Pastora refused to work with Bermudez, claiming that Bermudez, as a member of the former Somoza regime, was politically tainted.

The CIA, Contras, Gangs, and Crack

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It now ranks as the U. Thus if we look at cocaine as a social hieroglyph—not as a thing, but as a complex relation between networks and organizations of people, as well as between states and bureaucracies—we may glimpse some of the distinguishing features of the contemporary world. There is a strong argument to be made for the impact of the cocaine business on architecture, urban design and construction, fashion, media-entertainment, sports, and aesthetics, not to mention banking and credit institutions. Fighting cocaine producers, sellers, and users has radically changed the shape of states in relation to those who are, at least nominally, rights-bearing citizens, as states have become more militarized, policed, punitive, and carceral, and citizens more powerless and less protected by the rule of law. As Bourdieu observed in his late work, states do not disappear under neoliberalism: rather, their repressive right wings are strengthened while their progressive, redistributive rights-based wings are weakened or eliminated. This is most notable in cities, where urban space has been re-made in line with the requirements of policing and surveillance to protect capital investment and affluent consumers. Yet could not the same be said of any essential commodity: oil, for instance, or cars or clothes? What makes cocaine different? The answer, of course, would depend on whom one asks, but what makes cocaine extraordinarily profitable for its import-export merchants is the fact that it is illegal. The fact that one country—Colombia—supplies 90 percent of the cocaine consumed in the U. Yet the breadth of the U. So cocaine is not only big business, it is also high politics: Plan Colombia has been held up as a model of counter-narcotics and counter-insurgency success for Mexico, Afghanistan, and Pakistan. Ask Colombia for Directions. Public debate in the U. Worse than the hypocrisy to which they inevitably lead, rigid moral postures actively refuse to deal with the fact that illicit drugs exist and people consume them no matter how much blood and money are expended to stop them from doing so. There are economistic assumptions at play as well, borrowed from neo-classical theories about the relationship between supply and demand. If supply is reduced, the official argument goes, prices will rise for consumers in the U. Nevertheless, Plan Colombia and related anti-drug initiatives in the Andes and Mexico have not reduced the supply of cocaine to the U. The volume of illicit drugs that U. In terms of costs and benefits, fighting cocaine production and consumption is a disaster even by the standards of the Pentagon: according to a RAND Corporation study, to reduce cocaine consumption by 1 percent in the U. But the failure to achieve stated objectives has yet to affect policy-making, which is driven mainly by ideology. Empirical data has little bearing on the policy-making process, so it is worth asking if perhaps some measure other than the benchmarks put forward by the drug warriors should be used to evaluate it. The logic driving the War on Drugs has been chiefly ideological and political, not economic: domestic politics in the U. But what if poor black people in cities could be held responsible for their poverty? Then, of course, African Americans could be locked up for non-violent drug offenses and warehoused in prisons at an accelerated rate. As long as the focus stayed on drug sales and drug abuse, inner-city residents could be blamed for the poverty they had been driven into…what the politicians had to do was convince the American public that the inner cities deserved to be abandoned. After a brief respite under Carter, fighting crime and drugs in urban African American neighborhoods became the rhetorical coin of the political realm under Ronald Reagan. The idea was to put African Americans back in their place without Jim Crow segregation, and to get elected or re-elected by doing it. Fear was to be one of the most enduring weapons in the U. The key is to devise a system that recognizes that, while not appearing to do so. Whereas the U. The U. Needless to say, the profile of the U. Yet 38 percent of those arrested and 59 percent of those convicted for drug offenses have been African Americans. And stereotypes notwithstanding, whites account for 46 percent of all crack use, while African Americans consume 36 percent and Latinos 11 percent. That is to say that although African Americans use crack out of proportion to their numbers, probably because it is the least expensive of illicit drugs, they consume considerably less of it than whites do. Were it not for the media, the law, policing, and prisons, the main feature of crack users would be their poverty and the misery of their de-industrialized urban surroundings, not their race. Just as Jim Crow succeeded slavery at the end of the 19th century after Reconstruction was reversed, militarized policing and prisons replaced Jim Crow after the civil rights movement was rolled back. Black freedom struggles determined the limits of U. As Feiling and others have stressed, it was through sentencing laws on crack vs. This is the domestic context without which it is impossible to make sense of U. After Ronald Reagan was elected, aerial fumigation was undertaken against marijuana growers in Mexico, Jamaica, and Colombia in the early s, even as the Pacific Northwest became the leading supplier of the U. Mexico had already become the major transshipment point for Colombian cocaine, but its dominance would only increase with the end of U. Knowing that they control the drug trade, which drug are you going to leave under their control? Regulation and legalization is not a vote for or against any drug. The common thread is that the anti-communist end justified the means—active or passive collaboration with rightwing drug trafficking organizations in brutal counter-insurgency wars—in all places at all times. I knew from earlier that he was backing some war, and I knew that he was from Nicaragua, but I had no idea about the Contras. I was illiterate at that time, you know? I never read a newspaper or listened to the news. They say that Danilo was protected, and you can assume from the Feds that I was protected too, but I never knew that. I was just in it for the money, trying to get out of the ghetto. He in turn fronted all that stuff to Ricky Ross. Ross became the Walmart of crack, distributing to the Bloods and Crips and everybody else all over the country…. Hangars 4 and 5 at Ilopango airport in El Salvador were used as a trampoline for drugs coming in from Colombia and Costa Rica. Rodriguez and North used a plane called the Fat Lady, which was also owned by the CIA, to load up with arms at Ilopango and then airdrop to the Contras in the jungle. Then the fat lady got shot down by the Sandinistas. In the neoliberal economy of the s, anchored in financial services, insurance, real estate, and speculative asset bubbles, many African American males and immigrant males of color saw the cocaine-crack business as the way to achieve material security. Cocaine gave a shot in the arm to street gangs, who handled lower levels of wholesale and retail distribution in the U. Uneducated, uniformed, unemployed. I was looking for opportunities. I wanted to be important in the world, somebody who was respected. Basically, I wanted the American dream, so I guess I was ripe for the picking. The opportunity came in the form of drugs and I latched onto it. I just kept saving my money and buying more drugs. At our height, some days a million dollars would come through our hands in a single day. Next thing I know, the whole neighborhood is selling, people were already gang-banging, but now we were able to afford more expensive weapons, more expensive cars, and better houses and the police started noticing it more. Indeed, for most of those serving hard time for non-violent drug offenses, the crack business offered much less distance from poverty than it had for Ross. So they move you. This pattern—with gangs as cell forms of organized crime—was repeated among a host of new immigrant groups in the U. These gangs, of course, are bi- and transnational, just like the cocaine commodity circuit in which they are embedded: in L. Gangs involved in distribution aim to reproduce the corporate organization of capitalism from which their members have been excluded. Hip-hop music testifies to this, particularly the Brooklyn variety pioneered by Biggie Smalls and Jay-Z. You have your CEO, your supervisor, your treasurer. You might be the captain; you have your lieutenants, your soldiers. For direct producers of tropical agricultural commodities like coffee, neoliberal policies in the countryside—nowhere applied with greater blood and zealotry than in Colombia—have accelerated a long-term secular price decline: there are no options other than coca for people in isolated rural frontier areas where there is no state presence or source of employment. They pay 1,, pesos for a kilo of coca paste. As the experience of the Bolivians Yungas with northern Argentina demonstrates, a legal market for coca dramatically reduces the amount of coca leaf produced for the cocaine business. But first the U. Single Convention of would have to be revised so that companies and firms other than Coca Cola could use the leaf for industrial purposes. Until U. Perhaps in recognition of this fact, a number of Latin American countries have de-criminalized personal consumption of cocaine and marijuana. Latin American countries have now joined the Netherlands in treating drug consumption as a public health problem rather than a police problem. In the U. The losers, not necessarily in order of importance, would include U. Coast Guard, the U. Armed Forces, to name only some of the agencies whose budgets depend on the drug war for funding, as well as their counterparts in U. The clearest winners would be consumers, direct producers, and societies that would be less militarized, less carceral, less moralizing, and would have stronger public health and education systems. Predictably, Obama and Kerlikowske have dropped the nomenclature, but the policies remain intact.

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