Buying cocaine online in Austria

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Buying cocaine online in Austria

Vienna is awash in drug dealers. Since the beginning of the year, when a reform to the criminal code rebalancing the treatment of habitual criminals inadvertently made it more difficult to arrest drug dealers, people selling drugs have been a conspicuous part of the urban landscape. It is for this reason that a broad public and political consensus coalesced behind a reform to drug laws to make it easier for police to detain dealers and for courts to convict them. If the entry into force of these provisions on June 1 and the increased police presence at the major drug dealing sites along the U6 subway line and at Praterstern did not lead to a surge of arrests, the open drug dealing has already visibly diminished. The public and press have broadly embraced the recent legislative reform and police crackdowns as necessary correctives to the unintended consequences of the recent penal reforms. This is not the first time Vienna had garnered an unwelcome reputation as a safe place for drug dealers. In the s, the capital of the new Austrian Republic emerged as a center of the international trade in drugs. Cocaine found its way into popular beverages and cough drops administered to children. In Vienna, Sigmund Freud came out as a strong advocate of the drug as a miracle cure for various physical and psychological afflictions. Opium and its derivatives were marketed in popular tonics, particularly to women. Concerns about addiction spurred calls for greater regulation but also, perversely, the development of more potent substances. By the early 20 th century, states in Europe and the United States began to restrict access to drugs, but such measures were slow in coming and unevenly enforced. International drug controls sprang less from such domestic concerns than geopolitical ones. The sale of opium had fueled European imperial expansion into East Asia. In China, two wars over the right of Westerners to sell the drug, then illegal in the country, led to its carving up by European powers. The American government called two meetings of interested parties in the first decades of the 20 th century, leading to the Hague Opium Convention of The treaty called for states to control not only the trade in opium for smoking but also in the manufactured narcotics morphine, heroin, and cocaine. The convention proved as ineffective as it was ambitious. Few countries implemented its provisions in its first years, and it may never have entered force had the United States and Britain not written an obligation to ratify the treaty into the Treaty of Versailles and other agreements ending the First World War. Anxieties grew after the war about the dangers of pharmaceutical narcotics. The rise in the recreational use of medical cocaine was real, but the public panic also tapped into broader concerns about national degeneration, youthful hedonism, and social change in postwar Europe. Meanwhile, the use of potent pharmaceutical opiates, particularly heroin, seemed to be on the rise in China, the United States, and Egypt. The source of all of these drugs was clear. Mobilized by public opinion and charged with overseeing the drug trade, the administrators of the League of Nations set about crafting an effective system of drug controls. League officials took aim at excess pharmaceutical production. Limiting production by mostly European manufacturers, they reasoned, would cut off the supply leaking into the black market. Far from wiping out the black market in narcotics, the control system spawned the modern illicit trade. Various groups emerged during the s to take advantage of loopholes in the control system by diverting legally purchased narcotics into the black market. As one country tightened its regulations or imposed fresh controls on pharmaceutical manufacturers or distributors, drug smugglers shifted their operations to another state with lax drug laws. In this way, Vienna emerged as a haven for drug traffickers from across Europe — and indeed the world. Its central location in Europe, close to sites of opium cultivation in Southeastern Europe and the major pharmaceutical manufacturers in Germany and Switzerland made it attractive for smugglers. Austrian drug legislation produced in took aim at the small domestic trade in cocaine fraudulently obtained or stolen form pharmacies but failed to provide for effective punishment of large-scale trafficking outside of the country. Drug traffickers could operate in the city unconcerned about legal sanction. Jews of Eastern European origin occupied a prominent place in the global drug trade between the wars. Their role in the business was clearly exaggerated by official antisemitism, but historical involvement in smuggling across imperial borders and trading in alcohol as well as broad diaspora networks conferred advantages in the drug trade. The large number of Jewish refugees who came to Vienna during and after the First World War made it a visible link in the Jewish trafficking chains. The stream of destitute and seemingly alien refugees had stoked fears of disease and criminality in Vienna, which persisted into the s as the number of refugees dropped. The popular links between these Ostjuden and crime would shape discussions of the drug traffic both at home and abroad throughout the interwar period. In , Schober had called an international police congress in order to encourage the reestablishment of ties between the disparate parts of the collapsed Habsburg Monarchy in response to concerns about the internationalization of crime as a result of the dislocations and redrawing of borders caused by the war. Initially made up mostly of officers from the former Habsburg lands, Germany, and the Netherlands, the gradually expanded to include police officers from across Europe and from a handful of states overseas. He came to see the commission as the lynchpin of an international system of policing. More than providing a forum for police officials to meet and exchange ideas, the commission would maintain a set of databases on international offenders in its Vienna headquarters. Schultz came to Geneva at a time when drug experts were increasingly receptive to arguments that this was a matter best left to law enforcement. In the s, the regulatory approach emphasized in the previous decade had visibly run out of steam. Trafficking groups did not abandon the trade as an increasingly effective control system cut them off from pharmaceutical supplies. Instead, they set up secret factories in East Asia and Southeastern Europe that churned out narcotics on a large scale. Whereas earlier treaties had focused on regulating a licit activity, the production and distribution of pharmaceutical narcotics, the new convention aimed at the criminalization and policing of an illicit activity, the traffic in drugs. And the treaty significantly broadened what was considered criminal, obligating adherents not only to criminalize the illicit trade but also unauthorized possession of narcotics. The treaty signaled the turn in the logic driving drug controls from economic regulation in the interest of public health to criminal policy aimed at maintaining public order. It would be misleading to lay the blame for the punitive turn in global drug policy solely on interwar Austrian police officials. Washington has consistently pushed for a hardline prohibitionist agenda since the s. And the logic of drug control itself pushed policymakers towards more repressive solutions as producers and traffickers invariably found ways to circumvent newly adopted restrictions. Nonetheless, Schober and his associates played a critical role ensuring the enshrinement of a punitive anti-narcotics program in international law and in building a consensus that drug control was properly understood as a matter of law enforcement. The interwar drug control regime would outlive the institutions that gave birth to it. After the Second World War, the United Nations picked up the narcotics agenda of the discredited League of Nations, amalgamating the previous treaties except the anti-trafficking convention into the landmark Single Convention on Narcotics Drugs of Subsequent treaties have expanded this system, including one signed in Vienna in which superseded the instrument. Since , when the United Nations opened its Office on Drugs and Crime in Vienna, the Austrian capital has once more moved to the center of efforts to control the global flow of narcotics through policing and criminalization. In light of this history, recent discussions of drug dealing in Vienna take on greater significance. Unlike in the s, the problem is now domestic dealers and not international traffickers. But as then, the issue is playing out against the backdrop of a refugee crisis. If fears of Jewish criminality once stoked anxieties about of drug traffickers, it is now the influx of Africans and Middle Easterners that has fueled feelings of a loss of public order. Statistics of arrests and drug seizures are listed. Those of searches that turn up no drugs go unreported. And as between the wars, we stand at a critical moment in the international treatment of drugs. Then, the drug control regime was first coalescing around a consensus that the drug trade was principally a criminal activity best left to the police. This consensus is now fraying, as governments question the punitive approach to drug control and opt instead to tackle the problem of addiction using the tools of public health. Austria was an early pioneer of this approach. In recent decades, the Austrian case has been overshadowed by more radical experiments or official tolerance of decriminalization of drug use in countries such as the Netherlands, Portugal, Czechoslovakia, and Switzerland. To be sure, the chief advocates of prohibition — the United Nations, Interpol, and the US government, among others — continue to defend the strict prohibitionist model. But they do so in the face of growing popular and political unease. Recent moves by Uruguay and the American states of Colorado and Washington to fully legalize marijuana certainly represent daunting challenges to the underlying logic of the system. This is not a path away from the war on drugs but a way to revitalize it. The recent refugee crisis in Europe has resurrected many specters the continent thought it had banished. Calls for increased national sovereignty and a limitation on or dismantling of the EU, for an abandonment of multicultural policies and for strict immigration controls, have grown louder and more insistent. It may also revitalize the global drug control regime. Current Upcoming Alumni. Upcoming events Past events. Tr nsit Online. David Petruccelli. A New Front in the War on Drugs In light of this history, recent discussions of drug dealing in Vienna take on greater significance.

Bundeskriminalamt

Buying cocaine online in Austria

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Buying cocaine online in Austria