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For Russia, hosting the Winter Olympics could prove it has finally reemerged as a global power. But the beach resort of Sochi—a target for Islamist insurgents, on the site of an alleged genocide—is an unlikely place to stage the celebration. Valery Inozemtsev ascends a high mountain path through the churned mud of development. Inozemtsev has lived in this formerly sleepy village of Krasnaya Polyana in the Russian North Caucasus for a half century, since before it became a matter of urgent Kremlin concern. And now Inozemtsev, 73, continues up the mountain in long, youthful strides. Reaching a wood of chestnut trees, he pauses to fling back his brown cape. Through alpine mist, in the southern depths of a once powerful empire, the Olympics have nearly arrived. Russia is an empire no more. Like other great and large nations, however, it still aches to be one. It must find an outlet for its urges, and over two weeks in February, it will have it. Through force of Russian will, the Winter Olympics are coming to an unlikely location. The Sochi Games on the Black Sea coast will take place in the backyard of a recent war with Georgia, on the site of what many call the genocide of a people the Circassians , and in the orbit of an Islamic insurgency in Dagestan, Chechnya, Ingushetiya, and Kabardino-Balkariya. The state has resurrected a fearsome militia, the Cossacks, to help keep the peace that some might design to upend. Allegations of graft circulate widely, high temperatures threaten the snowfall necessary for competition, and activists have called for a boycott over antigay legislation enacted by the Russian parliament. In response Putin has banned protests and rallies in Sochi during the games. Though Sochi is host to these Olympic games, however, the actual competitions will be staged elsewhere. The skating events will take place in Adler, 17 miles south along the coastline. Ski races will be in Krasnaya Polyana, 29 miles east into the Caucasus range. Nearly every venue for the games has been built from scratch—the ice rinks in Adler, the bobsled run and facsimile alpine villages of Krasnaya Polyana, the rail and infrastructure that connect and enable. Even so, the Sochi Olympics have cost more than any games before them. With many billions of dollars conjured up and carried away, this is not the tightest business plan ever designed. But this is not business. Nor is it mainly a sporting matter. The event is intended to be the culmination of the achievements of Putin, a leader who many Russians believe was dispatched by God to guide Russia away from its defeats and ignominies. The seed of these games was planted in his mind more than a decade ago. A single two-lane road runs through the valley formed by the many Caucasian peaks of Krasnaya Polyana. Further back in time, this valley bore witness to the destruction of a people who were all but forgotten by the outside world until the Olympics resurrected their memory. Up a side road on a winter afternoon, Astemir Dzhantimirov sits at home, waiting for his boss to dispatch him on a job. His profession is not his distinguishing feature, however, nor is his prominent nose or his forthright manner. Dzhantimirov, the Russified ending of his family name notwithstanding, is Russian only by citizenship, but this is not what makes him stand out from the many laborers who have flooded the valley. He lives with his wife and three children on the second floor of a small house. The several interlocking rooms are in good order, quiet as the family tends to homework and chores. Dzhantimirov describes how he learned the old Circassian stories when family would gather at funerals in the Cherkessk region, over the mountains northeast of here. Aunts and uncles told how the armies of the tsars arrived in the early s, how the Caucasus War continued sporadically for decades, how the Circassians lost the land and much more. When Russia gained the Caucasus, the tsars and their generals knew very little of the region, nor of the numerous tribes and tongues that dwelled within the rocky folds of the range. The stray Russian soldier or wanderer routinely fell into bondage in this territory, bartered from tribe to tribe for goats and herbs and other captives. The Russians gained title to these tactical lands—fulfilling what they considered their expansionist destiny—by battling the sultan and the shah, but they also understood that a special effort would be required to make them their own. The Circassians and other local peoples fought against the Russians in a determined guerrilla campaign, but not a winnable one. The Russians felt a special pull to the Caucasus—to the liveliness of frontier combat, to the forbidden romance of Circassian tribeswomen, to this precipitous place of emotional searching, where a St. Petersburg aristocrat could discard the rules that had molded him and become a new man altogether. In time these mountains would become the place of poets and writers, of Mikhail Lermontov and Leo Tolstoy. The Circassians made their last stand in the small canyon that is now called Krasnaya Polyana, or red glade, a name some erroneously attribute to the bloodshed of the battle. After their surrender in the Circassians were expelled, and refugees died by the thousands on their way to Sochi. Survivors were shipped to various corners of the Ottoman Empire. Some of them died aboard the Turkish vessels, cast overboard into the Black Sea. They came here to fight us. He voted for Putin in the election. Pyotr Fedin sits at his desk, a dissatisfied success, a mere landowner instead of the alpine entrepreneur he once was, and he tells the story of how government power made it so. It was the start of free enterprise, the beginning of what contemporary capitalist Russia would become, a place of trial and error, of encouraging successes and compounded failures. It was a time of pressing on, for there was no turning back to the way things were before. Fedin and his partners surveyed the peaks of Krasnaya Polyana. They cleared the pines and erected metal towers in their place. The driveshaft from a seafaring vessel powered the ski lift. Those wealthy enough to have such bourgeois interests chose the status resort of Courchevel, France, not provincial Krasnaya Polyana. Fedin weathered the inclemency of the Russian economy, while his partners fell out, sold out. Then, as the spoils of an oil-market boom filtered through Russian society, his resort became profitable. But only the naive enjoy success in Russia. Things you build attract the attention of those who can take them away. The calendar turned to , and a Gazprom plane arrived from Moscow. Fedin knew there was nothing he could do. At the darkly prismatic Gazprom tower in Moscow, Fedin signed the papers placed before him. Before the fired head of the ski jump development discovered elevated levels of mercury in his blood from some mysterious source , before storm waves washed away the multimillion-dollar Sochi cargo port, before the minority group protested against holding the games on the site of an alleged genocide, before a helicopter delivering construction materials crashed in a nature preserve, before the Mzymta River jumped its banks, before antigay legislation caused international outrage—before all of that, the Sochi Olympics appeared to be a more promising idea. The Russian president traveled to Guatemala City in July It is a testament to the attraction of power that even those whom Putin does not rule often seem dazzled in his presence. The Cossack patrolman keeps company with two policemen as they stroll past the few shops in the village of Krasnaya Polyana. It is as though he has arrived from another time. Cossacks founded Krasnodar, now the capital of the region in which Sochi finds itself, after Catherine the Great gave them her blessing in the 18th century. The Kuban Cossacks existed beyond the law, under a code of their own. After the communists came to power, the institution of the Cossacks was abolished, and for many decades this horseman sect was repressed. They had not only survived but also constituted such a political force that the government recognized the wisdom of embracing their fatherland imagery. The Cossacks have returned to the streets—supplementing police foot patrols, breaking up brawls, occasionally starting them, profiling the ethnically non-Russian, looking the part, reviving old rites. There are 25 Cossacks on patrol in Krasnaya Polyana, another 25 in Sochi, and 15 each at the airport and train station. There are 1, total in the Krasnodar region. Alexander Tkachev, the governor of the Krasnodar region and a Cossack himself, dresses in the Cossack uniform from time to time. He is a strong-handed leader, and he has bemoaned an increase in the local Caucasian Muslim population. Critics complain that the Cossacks are a reactionary force. A drive to the confluence of the Achipse and Mzymta Rivers in Krasnaya Polyana reveals one more layer of doubt about the placement of these games. The road leads past excavators, trucks, and migrants in hard hats, through a tunnel that drips gray spittle onto the car windshield. At the end of the road two border guards man a checkpoint. In their friendly way they explain that access is prohibited. After Russia won a war with Georgia in , it recognized the sovereignty of Abkhazia. In May the Federal Security Service FSB discovered several caches of weapons in this territory just over the mountains from the great Olympics development. Explosives, grenade launchers, shoulder-mounted missiles. The FSB arrested three suspects, alleging that they belonged to a terrorist group called the Caucasus Emirate. In Krasnaya Polyana the workers huddle down a side street between shifts, slugging down warm Coke in a shack with greasy windows. They feed crumpled ruble bills into a machine, putting money on the phones they use to text home to Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, telling their wives how they earn the money they send for the children. A group trudges up the mud path, reaching Defenders of the Caucasus Street, where they wait for the bus that will return them to the sound of scraping metal, the stink of smoldering solder. Suddenly a Volvo sedan loses control on the road. It swerves across the lane divider and jumps the curb, hitting a man and knocking over a light pole. A crowd gathers. The man lies where he fell, on his back, and does not move. Someone throws a coat over the body, a worn and bloody hand sticking out from beneath it. A police car arrives, and three Cossacks emerge. They pull the driver through the window of the Volvo. He has black hair. He is thin. In his eyes you can see that he is lost, drunk. The Cossacks yell in his face, swear at him, saying that he has killed a man and that he deserves to die. They twist him facedown into the dirt and hold him there. They punch him in the kidneys. The man yells in pain. He submits. The Cossacks handcuff him. They place him in the backseat of their squad car. After the Cossacks drive away, the crowd disperses, as though nothing has happened. The corpse remains in the street. Emergency workers eventually arrive to take it to the morgue. What will be left behind? That is a question many locals want answered—those who call Krasnaya Polyana home and have no hand in the muddy profits that have transformed their surroundings. The Olympics have become a prism through which Russia amplifies its message to the world, while downplaying the assaults on humanity, the environment, and the law that have become necessary to achieve the show everyone expects to see. There is a thin line between pragmatism and cynicism, and in Russia you always ride it. The hotel belongs to him and his partner, as does the wine, 5, bottles of red and white produced with the grapes of Anapa, a town up the Black Sea coast. Zubkov holds a glass in his hand. Why not keep it for ourselves? State power has transformed Krasnaya Polyana from a sleepy village into a resort with the housing and infrastructure to support an annual winter migration of many thousands. Zubkov looks serious, but then he laughs. As with most Russians, a friendship with Zubkov happens quickly, and could last forever. The time of Putin, who could benefit from a change in the law to stay in office until , might seem longer. There is a hockey game, part of the World Junior Hockey Championship, and it convenes in the new Olympic rink in Adler. This is a teenage competition, Russia against the United States, and no pairing could be more apt given the message these games are meant to convey. As game time draws near, as the crowd mills about and the skaters glide along the glassy playing surface, a man of some recognition appears on the ice. The loudspeaker announces Vladimir Putin. The Russian anthem plays over the arena speakers. As the song reaches its first crescendo, something interesting happens to Putin, a leader of superhuman composure. His expression contorts into a smile. He has brought the Olympics to the Black Sea. He has conceived all this, and now it is really happening. He stands firm. He returns his face to a frown. All rights reserved. A giant ad promotes a resort complex for the Olympics. Critics say it uses fascist-inspired imagery. Putin's Party For Russia, hosting the Winter Olympics could prove it has finally reemerged as a global power. By Brett Forrest. Photographs by Thomas Dworzak. This story appears in the January issue of National Geographic magazine. You May Also Like. United States Change.

Top 7 dishes to try in Uzbekistan

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Uzbekistan consistently occupies a leading position in the list of the most popular places for gastronomic tourism, and this is understandable. The national cuisine, which has developed over many centuries, is exceptionally diverse and incredibly tasty. Many traditional Uzbek dishes are genuine culinary masterpieces - let's get to know them better! Plov is present on the table every day, no celebration or important event is complete without it. Traveling around Uzbekistan, you will be surprised by the variety of recipes, of which there are more than The dish is based on an organic combination of grain and zirvak meat fried with onions, carrots and spices. In addition to rice, pilaf can include chickpeas, mung beans, wheat, and there are recipes with quince and dried fruits. The basis of the soup is a thick, rich broth, mainly made from lamb, less common is the beef version. The last thing to add is coarsely chopped potatoes and cook until done. The finished dish is sprinkled with herbs and served with hot flatbread. If you want culinary exoticism, be sure to try this dish, which includes a meat that is not the most familiar to Europeans - horse meat. The preparation of the dish is quite labor-intensive and takes several hours. Before cooking, the meat is sprinkled with salt and dried for 24 hours. Layers of homemade noodles are boiled in meat broth, the finished meat and noodles are cut into small pieces and sprinkled with herbs. Another horse meat dish is a gourmet homemade sausage, an indispensable attribute of the Uzbek festive table. Kazi is prepared from fatty meat from the ribs and lard with a large number of spices - black pepper, garlic, cumin. When serving, the sausage is cut into thin slices and generously sprinkled with onions. The most popular Uzbek street food is triangular pies made from homemade puff pastry. Samsa is prepared with a variety of fillings, the most popular variety is with lamb and onions. The products for the filling are cut into cubes, and the pies themselves are baked in a tandoor, which gives them a rich taste and a mind-blowing aroma. The surface of the samsa is greased with egg yolk and sprinkled with black sesame. To prepare this unusual delicacy, flour is fried in a cauldron in vegetable oil until it is chocolate-colored. Then sugar diluted in water is added and cooked over low heat until it reaches the consistency of thick sour cream. Nuts and dried fruits are added to the finished dessert, poured into bowls and served with tea. This traditional sweet in the form of large crystals of a beautiful amber color is sold at any Uzbek bazaar. Navat is a type of candy, only much healthier, since it is prepared on the basis of fruit sugar. Navat is stored for a very long time, so you can safely buy it 'in reserve' and as a tasty souvenir. Enable the Javascript option please. Shurpa The basis of the soup is a thick, rich broth, mainly made from lamb, less common is the beef version. Naryn If you want culinary exoticism, be sure to try this dish, which includes a meat that is not the most familiar to Europeans - horse meat. Kazi Another horse meat dish is a gourmet homemade sausage, an indispensable attribute of the Uzbek festive table. Samsa The most popular Uzbek street food is triangular pies made from homemade puff pastry. Samsa is prepared with a variety of fillings, the most popular variety is with lamb and onions The products for the filling are cut into cubes, and the pies themselves are baked in a tandoor, which gives them a rich taste and a mind-blowing aroma. Navat This traditional sweet in the form of large crystals of a beautiful amber color is sold at any Uzbek bazaar. Recover the password. Now you can use the benefits of the loyalty program member.

Buying blow online in Rosa Khutor