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The first article about Donald Trump that Boris ever published described how, during a campaign rally in North Carolina, the candidate slapped a man in the audience for disagreeing with him. This never happened, of course. Considering this to be the best possible use of his time, he stopped going to high school. Nobody here wants to dwell on Trump anymore. In the final weeks of the US presidential election, Veles attained a weird infamy in the most powerful nation on earth; stories in The Guardian and on BuzzFeed revealed that the Macedonian town of 55, was the registered home of at least pro-Trump websites, many of them filled with sensationalist, utterly fake news. Within Veles itself, the young entrepreneurs behind these websites became subjects of tantalizing intrigue. Boris is 18 years old, a lean, slouching youth with gray eyes, hair mowed close to his skull, and the rudiments of a beard. He listens to a lot of gangsta rap: the Notorious B. He is an affable raconteur, with a droll sense of humor and a clear-eyed view of himself and his town. Someday he wants to leave Veles, because of how little there is to do. A few factories on the outskirts of town still offer regular employment, but nothing lavish. Fortunately for him, the election summoned forth the energies of countless alt-right websites in the US, which manufactured white-label falsehoods disguised as news on an industrial scale. What Veles produced, though, was something more extreme still: an enterprise of cool, pure amorality, free not only of ideology but of any concern or feeling about the substance of the election. They only wanted pocket money to pay for things—a car, watches, better cell phones, more drinks at the bar. This is the arrhythmic, disturbing heart of the affair: that the internet made it so simple for these young men to finance their material whims and that their actions helped deliver such momentous consequences. Veles lies plumb in the center of Macedonia, on either side of the Vardar River, and its red-shingle-roofed buildings appear to be climbing the slopes of low knuckled hills. It was once a town of modest glory, turning out revolutionaries and intellectuals and alive with industry. One of its largest factories, a ceramic works named Porcelanka, employed 4, people. For a time, its residents recall with perverse pride, Veles was the second-most polluted town in the former Yugoslavia. After Macedonia became independent in , though, Veles began to decline. The factories closed; the jobs evaporated. The local soccer team, FK Borec, won so infrequently that it was dropped from the first division to the third. Its downtown withered. His father worked for the town as a plumber. Like other kids, Boris wandered around up near the old Ottoman clock tower or down by the river, loitering in one coffee bar after another. He played soccer but later discovered that he was more proficient at the videogame version of the sport. He joined a Counter-Strike club: nine or 10 teenagers gathered in a room, sitting behind their laptops and shooting each other up. One day a couple of summers ago, Boris was walking to school when he saw a BMW 4 Series parked by the side of the road. He asked around, but no one seemed to know who owned the BMW. Velkovski revealed that the car was his. It gorges on advertising as it counsels readers to put a bar of soap under their bedsheets to relieve nightly leg cramps or to improve their red-blood-cell count with homemade beet syrup. After seeing the BMW, Boris decided to start some websites of his own. Boris pulls out his phone and logs into WordPress to show that he does, in fact, own the sites he mentions. When the piece about Trump slapping a man turned briefly white-hot, he sensed the intrinsic viral potential in the American election and founded NewYorkTimesPolitics. The Times sent Boris a cease-and-desist order; Boris received the email when he was out somewhere, and he was so terrified that he took down the website right away, from his phone. In August, Boris set up PoliticsHall. That was when the money really began to roll in. Boris developed a routine. Several times a day he dredged the internet for pro-Trump articles and copied them into one of his two websites; if JavaScript prevented an easy copy-paste, he opened a Notepad file and typed the articles out. Trump groups seemed to have hundreds of thousands more members than Clinton groups, which made it simpler to propel an article into virality. For a week in July, he experimented with fake news extolling Bernie Sanders. The post must have proof for them to believe it. A fake profile with a Russian name cost about 10 cents; for an American name, the price went up to 50 cents. Boris learned tricks to better monetize his websites: big ads breaking the text up, for instance, so that one in five visitors to a page would end up clicking on an ad. He fed the beast with diligence. When I woke up, I shared them. I went to drink coffee, came back home, found new articles, posted those articles on the website, and shared them. Then I went out with friends, came back home, found articles, and shared them to Facebook. When his ad engines started to pay out, Boris bought himself things: new clothes, an Acer laptop to replace his old Toshiba, a vacation at a resort on Lake Ohrid. His phone carries a photographic record of the life he could briefly afford. All eyes on me! Roberto Cavalli! You must live once. Boris still goes to the clubs, but he says he has lost his taste for expensive things. It looked like another blockbuster from USAPolitics. But then the Google ads vanished, so Boris lost interest and consigned his websites to the deep oblivion of the internet. Mirko Ceselkoski began to play in the early s. He built seven or eight websites—about muscle cars or celebrities or superyachts, all oriented toward the American reader, because an American reader is roughly three times more valuable than a non-American one. Many Macedonians can spare the time; the unemployment rate is around 24 percent. Ceselkoski turned to coaching in —first with a six-week classroom course in the Macedonian capital of Skopje, where he lives, and now online, in dense three-week modules. A full third of the syllabus is dedicated to the mastery of Facebook. So did, in early , a few members of the Veles squad who went on to operate pro-Trump sites. They surprised him. He thought about the website operators in Veles. Companies used to designate exactly where they wanted their ads to appear. Which is why even sites publishing fake news can profit by hosting ads based on your browsing history. Boris will have none of that. The so-called news he and his colleagues were filching was already on American websites, heating up the American bloodstream. How could their duplications of these articles, on their rinky-dink websites, upset the election of such a powerful country? They voted for Donald Trump. Donald Trump won. He sits in a coffee bar on a December afternoon, two days after a parliamentary election in Macedonia. Here too a minor pestilence of fake news swept through the campaigns. Websites run out of Serbia and Croatia alleged that the leftist opposition leader, Zoran Zaev, wanted to divide the country between Macedonians and ethnic Albanians. Boris feels disenchanted with the whole process. There is too much politics in life, he thinks. One brother is for one party, the other brother is for the other party, they argue. Mostly, he and his friends convene in this coffee bar or in one of the others clustered on the same street. They always pick a table on the veranda, despite the cold, so that they can smoke and smoke. They fiddle with their phones for about the same proportion of time that they spend talking to one another. First, though, he wants to construct more websites. This story is part of our special coverage of The News in Crisis. Click to share this story on Facebook Click to share this story on Twitter Click to email this story Click to comment on this story. The Central Market in Veles. An office at a local TV station, which broadcasts basketball and handball games. Men gather in a garden shed for moonshine and winter caroling. Holding the mic is a resident who profited from political websites. The same man shows the ad revenue he earns from his websites, which churn out sometimes fake content.

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Buying blow Veles

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Buying blow Veles