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Europe is confiscating more cocaine than ever before and yet authorities are powerless to stop the booming trade. A look inside a business that now functions almost like any other economic activity. Sex is sold here, porn movies are shown on TV, and the ladies who serve are half-naked. Some customers though are no longer able to have sex, and they didn't come to the brothel for that anyway, but for something better: They're here for crack, coupled with sexual arousal, the hottest rush they know, better than any orgasm. And that's why they stay, for a day, two, maybe even three, until they are completely exhausted with euphoria, their credit spent, their bill in the five figure range and the new week ahead of them can no longer be put off. Then they sneak off. They go home or back to the office, eagerly awaiting the next crack or cocaine orgy in a few weeks. Or they wind up in addiction therapy with specialists like Thilo Beck, where they complain about how depressing it is to sink into a normal life with normal sex. Sex sells, cocaine even better. The story that addiction specialist Beck tells us about Zurich brothels and drug use, is a drop in the ocean of a gigantic wave of cocaine that is currently flooding Europe: The stimulant powder is purer, cheaper and more readily available than ever before. If one cuts 10 lines from this gram, they can get a high for 10 francs, which is cheaper than a drink at a bar. Cocaine has gone from being a luxury drug for the rich, beautiful and important, to a popular drug that anyone can buy and anyone can afford; and that is available everywhere, according to experts who know the scene and police investigation files. One can buy coke on the street, have it sent by post or order it via Telegram, Instagram or even TikTok. A courier then delivers free of charge — it's a kind of Uber for sniffs. And all professions, classes, genders and age groups take part in snorting and dealing — from bankers and bakers to construction workers. From the most addicted polytoxicomaniac, to stressed out office workers and students, to weekend partygoers. From the professional dealer to the company patron whose SME has problems, to the family man who has to finance a renovation of his house. From teenagers to people in their mid-forties to pensioners. According to a study, the Swiss snort and smoke a total of five tons of cocaine per year, worth around million francs. And even if there is a lack of precise, new data on consumption, there are many indications that there are even more users today: Cocaine residue in the wastewater of Switzerland's major cities is on the rise, with Zurich, Basel and Geneva firmly in Europe's top 10 according to residue levels. Police are seizing more and more cocaine, and therapists are having to treat more users. And in Zurich's contact and drop-in centers, addicts who boil cocaine with baking soda or ammonia and then smoke it as crack or freebase it have increased their consumption by a quarter in the last three years. Cocaine is booming. Yes, it almost seems like the late 19th century again. Cocaine was a popular substance, first recommended to morphine addicts, then to bored upper-class ladies, before it helped a drink called Coca-Cola make its breakthrough. The only difference is that the substance is now illegal. And the business is an El Dorado for organized crime, for which Europe has now replaced the U. On the old continent, demand is greater today, the price is higher and smuggling is easier. For the South American cartels, this means more profit with less risk, so they prefer to ship their goods to Europe. Kristian Vanderwaeren, a Belgian customs director, stands guard at the largest entry point to the European market, and doesn't know whether he should be pleased or worried. In , he and his team intercepted tons of cocaine at the port of Antwerp — a new record, as has been the case each year since see chart. And so much that customs officers cannot keep up with burning the material — it sometimes remains in storage for days. Cocaine is smuggled into Europe in myriad creative and almost unimaginable ways. The drug arrives in submarines, attached to ship hulls, hidden in hollowed-out pineapples or impregnated in textiles. Once the cargo has arrived at the port of destination, other gangs break open the container and secure the material, either at the port or after customs clearance outside. Transporters then take over the drug shipment and send it on its way to the countries of destination, including Switzerland. This is often as simple as it sounds. Twelve million freight containers arrive in Antwerp every year, including , from South America, many of them with perishable goods that need to be transported quickly. Also included are bribes of tens of thousands of euros to get port employees or customs officers to look the other way at the right moment, point to a specific container or reveal its digital pickup code. This is why Belgium is now upgrading. A hundred new jobs will be created at the port and 14 additional scanners procured. However the plan and recent successes have a downside: The more drug dealers are disturbed, the more they fight back, against each other and against the state. Attacks and shootings have been on the rise in Belgium for years. During their investigations, the police have come across torture chambers run by local gangs, and the former Belgian justice minister had to hide in a safe house for weeks for fear of being kidnapped. It is a spiral of violence whose latest twist is particularly cynical. His name should not appear in the media to ensure his security — the reason for this is written in matrix form on a board behind him. It shows the different hierarchies in the drug business, with runners at the bottom, small and large distributors further up, then importers, and finally, outlined in red, organized crime. This is the one the experienced police officer and his colleagues have in their sights and that partners from the Netherlands and Belgium are urgently warning him about. Not that the investigator needed the tip. This became apparent when the Belgian drug dealer Flor Bressers was arrested in Zurich two years ago. He had used a fake identity and continued to manage his business. Investigators have accused him of importing tons of cocaine into Europe and delivering large quantities of it to Switzerland. He invested and spent his winnings in the country; his girlfriend alone spent 2. Bressers operated at a level primarily targeted by federal police — as a broker. These are the professionals in organized crime who organize the cocaine business in the name of or on behalf of large criminal groups and for commission, in principle like a completely normal economic activity. Gone are the days when a cartel or mafia controlled the trade from cultivation to sale on the street. Today, the cocaine trade functions along a supply chain based on the division of labor that includes many links — the producers and local buyers in South America, the cartels that prepare the drugs for export by the ton, then the brokers who organize the transport. These in turn hire gangs that control European ports, as well as transporters and buyers for the major cities. And they have contact with lawyers, accountants and bankers who help to launder the profits. Anyone who can contribute to this supply chain will be in business. And the criminal groups behind them, such as the Italian 'Ndrangheta or Albanian mafia, work together across families, ethnic groups and national borders — better than the police. This became apparent three years ago when European investigators succeeded in cracking the encrypted communication service Sky ECC, which was used for international drug trafficking. Around 3, user profiles were active in the Swiss mobile network over the short or long term, and over 40 investigations are currently underway in Switzerland based on this case alone. The origin of the suspects resembles an elimination round for the European Football Championship: Serbs, Albanians, Germans, Turks, Swiss, Dutch and many more — all united on the same chat platform. The routes by which cocaine reaches Switzerland are just as diverse — from the ports on the Baltic Sea and the Mediterranean, often via car couriers or in trucks. It is also transported via passenger airplane, hidden in airfreight or in the stomachs of swallowers who transport up to a kilo in finger cots. You smoke and immediately become euphoric, creative and fully focused. Frank name changed comes out of a tent where addicts can trade small amounts of heroin and cocaine with each other undisturbed. Frank tells us how he got here: At first it was just joints, then freebasing for the kick, later heroin to come down for his job at the bank, until it just didn't work anymore. Frank has been an addict for 25 years now. At the moment he has his addiction at least somewhat under control, he says, thanks to the heroin program and the contact centers. One can tell that he wasn't always like this. That morning he is there to freebase. He registers at the consumption room. Soon, a member of the staff calls him. He is allowed inside and now has 30 minutes to boil and smoke his cocaine at one of the small tables. Frank can't imagine that he will ever get off the drug. It never ends,» he says. In a way, Frank is the last link in the supply chain of the international drug trade, which causes suffering for many people at the beginning and end, a small livelihood for many in between and obscene profits for a few in the middle. Frank is far removed from these profiteers, both socially and physically. The cocaine he procures on the streets of Zurich is not distributed there by criminal organizations, nor is there a Zurich cocaine king. In fact, to exaggerate somewhat, dealing has become a popular sport. It is mainly driven by local criminals who order the drugs via middlemen in the Netherlands or Belgium. They receive them in return for advance payment and immediately pass them on to their distributors in Zurich. From there, it immediately seeps down through intricate networks. What is currently arriving is described by Stefan Nebl, the city police's deputy head of the narcotics group, as an «epic oversupply. However, no matter how much cocaine the police seize in Belgium, Bern or Zurich, nothing changes on the street. Despite all the successes and records, supply remains high and prices stable at a low level. At best, when a broker like Bressers is arrested, the engine stutters briefly before continuing at the same pace, even in Switzerland. What Switzerland experienced in with regard to cocaine and especially crack was unusual, he says. The fact that strong and quickly addictive crack is in fashion is nothing new, he adds. But suddenly consumption has become openly visible, and not just in hot spots like Geneva or Zurich, but also in smaller towns like Chur, Solothurn, Brugg or Lugano. It is often used by known addicts, such as Frank in Zurich's Kreis 4 district. However, there are also indications that new groups are turning to crack cocaine use, such as young men with migration backgrounds, he says. The federal government has also noticed. In November, the Federal Office of Public Health convened experts from cantons, cities and specialist bodies for an exchange. Nevertheless, the country's proven addiction and drug policy with its four pillars of prevention, therapy, harm reduction and repression are still effective, she says. They could help to prevent open drug scenes with their misery and violence and improve the precarious situation of users, she adds. Now it is important to support the newly affected cities with good examples of implementation, so that they too can create protected spaces for consumption. And we will certainly have to keep an eye on the situation in the summer, she says. Nobody knows for sure, but the forecast is for even more of the white powder. Europol expects the flood of cocaine to increase further. And this is despite the fact that the EU has already identified drug trafficking as one of its greatest security threats and launched a broad-based action plan against it last fall. The police in Bern and Zurich will try to help their European colleagues, and otherwise disrupt the business of small and large traders in their own country — at least to the extent that security and public order are maintained. However, Rhyner and his colleagues have long since abandoned the illusion of stopping the illegal drug trade with these measures. They must be satisfied with being able to say: «If you deal in Zurich for five years, you run a high risk of being arrested. The problem though is that the next person will immediately take their place. Global reporting from Switzerland. Independent since The NZZ is one of the preeminent news sources in the German-speaking world, with a tradition of independent, high-quality journalism reaching back over years. With an industry-leading network of foreign correspondents and a team of expert editors in Zurich, we offer fact-based analyses, in-depth investigations and top-notch reporting: a global view with a fresh perspective. Sign up for our free newsletter or follow us on Twitter , Facebook or WhatsApp. Inside Europe. Daniel Friedli January 25, 12 min. A special razor blade and a small «vacuum cleaner» for preparing and sniffing cocaine. Goran Basic. Banana on the outside, cocaine on the inside: drugs found at the port of Antwerp. One gram of cocaine, for sale for around francs. Eric Gujer October 21, 7 min. International View. Eflamm Mordrelle October 17, 6 min. Manfred Rist October 17, 8 min.

How Putin’s Sochi dream was shattered by Ukraine's nightmare

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This article was published more than 10 years ago. Some information may no longer be current. Vladimir Putin in Sochi: After bloodshed broke out in Ukraine, his profile at the Games diminished greatly. Vladimir Putin has a dream — and for the past two weeks, the world has been helping him to live it. It's a nation of impressive architecture and smiling volunteers who speak English but think like Russians. Sochi has high fences, surveillance balloons and warships off the coast; every phone call and e-mail is monitored. Putin sees a Russia that is once more a global centre of gravity, indispensable on the world stage. Soon, if his plans come to fruition, Moscow will stand as the leader of a new bloc of nations — the Eurasian Union — with borders that look a lot like those of the Soviet empire, whose fall he has openly mourned. Vladimir Putin also has a nightmare. And this week, it looked a lot like the burning heart of Kiev, the Ukrainian capital where tens of thousands of protesters battled police to bring down their Kremlin-backed, authoritarian government. Dozens died before a tentative truce Friday interrupted the hostilities, but anger remains so high that there is no guarantee it will hold. Kiev and its malcontents pose a challenge to everything Mr. Putin has built, perhaps even his grip on power. The protesters have fought security forces with rocks, Molotov cocktails and live ammunition, threatening to explode the illusion of Russia's resurgence, exposing it as a country with little appeal even to its nearest neighbours. They raised the possibility that the political system its President has built and exported — an authoritarian capitalism known simply as 'Putinism' — is much more fragile than it may seem. It's not just that Mr. Putin fears the fall of President Viktor Yanukovych and the rise of a pro-Western government in Kiev, although that would be a heavy geopolitical blow. He needs Ukraine to take part if his Eurasian Union — currently set to launch next year with only Russia, Kazakhstan, Armenia and Belarus as members — is to look like anything more than a tiny dictators' club. The standoff began when the Kremlin used its massive economic leverage to force Mr. Yanukovych to abandon a proposed free-trade agreement with the European Union in favour of closer integration with Russia. Such handouts had allowed Mr. Putin to buy off enough fighters in Chechnya that he could largely extinguish the first and fiercest uprising he faced upon coming to office. But unlike the Chechens, his foes from the western and Westernized half of Ukraine occupying the centre of Kiev are in no hurry to be bought off. They stayed in the streets even after economic aid started to flow, defying both Mr. Yanukovych and his paymasters in Moscow. The clashes that came this week have been inevitable ever since, with the Kremlin unsubtly pushing Mr. Yanukovych to use force to clear the fortified tent city on Independence Square, known to Ukrainians simply as the Maidan. Last month, when he made a series of concessions to the opposition, including the resignation of Prime Minister Mykola Azarov, the Russian aid was put on hold. Then, when Mr. Yanukovych agreed to an initial truce and said he would meet three European foreign ministers who'd flown to Kiev, the money was halted again. Because, to the Kremlin, this has never been just an ordinary protest in Eastern Europe. Ukraine is central to Russia's sense of itself, the birthplace of the Kievan Rus, the empire that rose in the 10th century to embrace Orthodox Christianity and become what modern Russia considers its direct ancestor. Ukraine was the one republic whose decision to leave when the Soviet Union collapsed truly bothered Russians. Ukraine is in Mr. Putin's nightmares because of who has been on the streets. These are not Egyptians or Syrians or Thais challenging their government, but fellow Slavs, Russian-speakers and former Soviet citizens. Although the protests are driven by ethnic Ukrainians from the west of Ukraine, many in Independence Square are ethnic Russians simply tired of the kleptocracy that rose when the USSR fell. In other words, if it can happen in Kiev, it can happen in Moscow. It almost did two years ago when much of the liberal intelligentsia in Moscow and St. Petersburg took to the streets to protest against Mr. Putin's return to the Kremlin for a third term as president, after four years in the theoretically junior post of prime minister a token nod to Russia's post-Soviet constitution. We have been here before, of course. During the Orange Revolution of 10 years ago, I stood on Independence Square for weeks as protesters peacefully overturned an election the Kremlin had helped to rig in Mr. Yanukovych's favour. The mood then was one of elation, a people previously stereotyped as apolitical realizing they had a shared ambition to change their country. There were nightly rumours of an impending crackdown by security forces, but the armoured personnel carriers never came. To the Kremlin's consternation, Ukraine had proved itself different from its neighbours. The Orange Revolution panicked Russia, especially as it came just a year after Georgia, another former Soviet republic plagued by corruption and interference by Moscow, had staged its own peaceful uprising, known as the Rose Revolution. The Kremlin recovered its geopolitical balance after the 'colour revolutions' by squeezing Ukraine and humiliating Georgia. By , Ukrainians were so tired of infighting between the Orange coalition of Viktor Yushchenko and Yulia Tymoshenko the former now a marginal figure and the latter in jail on charges many view as trumped up , as well as Russia's constant threats to cut off the gas, that they elected Mr. Yanukovych fairly this time. Russia also smashed Georgia's tiny army in a nine-day war that began at the same time as the Summer Olympics in Beijing. At home, the response was only scarcely more subtle. The Kremlin pushed through a law forcing non-governmental organizations that received funding from abroad to register as 'foreign agents,' a tarring and feathering that warned ordinary Russians to steer clear of anything affiliated with the West. It also stirred up a dangerous ethnic nationalism by forming a pro-Putin youth group known as Nashi , or 'Ours,' suggesting that anyone against Mr. Putin was not a true Russian. By the time he returned to the Kremlin in , Nashi claimed more than , members, most of them angry young men certain that all of Russia's problems could be blamed on the West. During the protests surrounding Mr. Putin's re-election, Nashi often rallied nearby, trying to shout down the opposition's cries of 'Russia without Putin! The Russian dissidents didn't have the staying power, or fury, that Ukrainians have mustered. The economic progress Mr. Putin has delivered over 15 years in office has insulated him from wider discontent and kept the protest hub of Bolotnaya Square from becoming Russia's Maidan. But fear of a repeat has never subsided. To Mr. Putin and those around him, Ukrainians are pulling away from Moscow now for the same reason they did during 10 years ago — because the West is meddling in a country he considers an eternal part of Russia's sphere of influence. Putin sees a Western hand in Ukraine a notion reinforced by an audio recording posted online, almost surely by the Russians, in which U. Foreign agents are everywhere he looks. Gay-rights activists are part of a Western-backed effort to depopulate Russia, the archpriest responsible for relations between the Kremlin and the Orthodox Church told me. The court that tried the members of punk band Pussy Riot insinuated that they were foreign provocateurs because one of them, Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, has a Russian-Canadian husband and an Ontario health card. Even more troublesome are the liberal leanings of many Russian journalists. As the protests in Ukraine have unfolded, the Kremlin has launched a full-scale campaign to control the media more tightly. First came the reorganization of the state-owned RIA Novosti news agency, which had become less a state bugle and more a professional newswire during the relatively liberal presidency of Dmitry Medvedev. RIA Novosti has been now merged into a new company with the official Voice of Russia radio, which repeatedly uses the word 'terrorists' to describe the protesters in Ukraine. It was officially labeled 'unpatriotic' in late January, and cable and satellite providers got the message, dropping the channel en masse. The lonely Echo of Moscow radio station — a democratic bastion since the days of Mikhail Gorbachev's glasnost — was finally brought into line this week, with the dismissal of veteran chief executive Yuri Fedutinov, who was replaced with Yekaterina Pavlova, a former Voice of Russia executive. Echo of Moscow and TV Rain were problematic for the Kremlin because their sympathetic coverage of the Ukraine protests was reaching a Russian audience. That they were also criticizing the Sochi Games was intolerable. Echo of Moscow's troubles escalated quickly after it posted a blog on its website comparing the Sochi Games to the Olympics in Hitler's Germany. For the first 10 days of the Olympics, Mr. Putin's dream Russia almost seemed real. His opponents had gleefully anticipated disaster. Some had predicted political protest; others, a terrorist attack, given the lingering Islamist insurgency not far away in the same Caucasus Mountains where the Olympians were competing. Neither has happened so far. After some early griping about missing shower curtains and cubicles with two toilets, Sochi has been hailed by the International Olympic Committee and most athletes as a success. The women of Pussy Riot repeatedly outsmarted and embarrassed the President and his police — shouting their newly released song, Putin Will Teach You To Love The Motherland, as police and Cossacks providing Olympic security clumsily used violence to stop them. But their kamikaze performances also served to underscore how few other Russians were protesting. Meanwhile, the Caucasus Emirate, the main Islamist group that had vowed to attack the Games, now seems but a shadow of the movement that for 15 years made Russians fearful to board a train or an airplane. They tried — the foreign minister of neighbouring Abkhazia a Kremlin-backed ministate told me two weapons caches, including rockets, were found near Sochi — but the massive Olympic security operation appears to have worked. Ukraine, however, was the variable Mr. Putin couldn't control. This week, TV sets in the Olympic village started to click over to coverage of the fighting, and some of the world's media accredited to attend Sunday's closing ceremony boarded planes to Kiev. In other words, Mr. Putin had almost succeeded in impressing the world with the Potemkin Russia he had constructed in Sochi. Then Ukraine blew up. Lipman adds. Which is no coincidence to Mr. On Thursday, at least two Ukrainian athletes here said they would no longer compete, a gesture seemingly aimed at both their President and their Olympic hosts. Black ribbons were added to Ukrainian flags flying from athletes' balconies in the Olympic village. Even Mr. Putin, who last weekend bobbed around during surprise visits to the Canadian and U. Notably absent from Bolshoy Arena when Finland ended Russia's hopes for a hockey medal on Tuesday, he was, according to his spokesman, on the phone with Mr. The nightmare of Kiev invaded his dream world and spoiled his party, so Mr. Putin is now wide awake. Even if there is a truce in Kiev and the bloodshed stops, he is almost surely in no mood to forgive those he considers responsible. Report an editorial error. Report a technical issue. Editorial code of conduct. Authors and topics you follow will be added to your personal news feed in Following. 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