Buying blow Misrata

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Buying blow Misrata

Six years after the uprising that brought an end to the Gaddafi regime, Libya is experiencing continuing political division and widespread insecurity which in turn has contributed to societal tensions and an array of economic challenges. The civil war that erupted in summer has resulted in significant loss of life and displaced over , Libyans inside the country, further straining public services but also fraying social cohesion. The presence of an estimated , foreign nationals -including refugees and migrants seeking to travel to Europe by sea- is another challenge and has also fed societal tensions. Conflict in different parts of the country has resulted in serious abuses and violations of international law, with indiscriminate shelling of civilian areas, summary executions, torture and deliberate destruction of property reported since Libya currently has three entities claiming to be governments - only one of which is recognised by the UN - and competing institutions divided between east and west. In these circumstances, the ability of the central government to continue providing essential services and ensure a safety net for the population has been greatly undermined. As a result, expectations of local government actors have grown. Compared to other formal and informal governance actors, municipal councils are viewed favourably by Libyans. With the House of Representatives mandate now expired and the UN-backed Government of National Accord not yet fully recognized, municipal councils are the only governing bodies to hold electoral legitimacy. Due to their proximity to the population and also the fact that most have stayed out of the national political crisis, municipal councils are seen as key to guaranteeing basic needs at a local level. Building on this, municipalities can play an important role not only in service delivery and localised economic recovery, but also fostering conflict resolution and improving societal cohesion. Very few truly national actors exist. Instead most derive their legitimacy from local dynamics - whether rooted in city, region or tribe - including those who have a nominal national role. Many believe municipal councils should be further empowered as a way of ensuring a measure of nation-wide popular legitimacy eroded in other elected bodies like the House of Representatives which emerged from a June ballot. Given the increasing fragmentation, however, there is a risk of such an approach going too far and contributing to a further undermining of the already fragile national dynamic. A balance must be struck between developing local governance and restoring a sense of the national across Libya, with one complementing the other. Since summer , a political power struggle has ruptured Libya between competing governments, based either in Tripoli or the east of the country. The Presidential Council is supposed to act collectively as head of state and supreme commander of the armed forces but from its inception internal rivalries and tensions have rendered it hamstrung and ineffective. The names of the three regions - Tripolitania in the northwest, Cyrenaica in the northeast and Fezzan in the south - which historically comprised Libya still resonate among Libyans today. The nomenclature is most often used by movements seeking autonomy for the east and south in particular. There remain distinct regional sentiments rooted in particular historical experiences during the colonial period and the Gaddafi era. Such regional dimensions have contributed to often very different social, political and military trajectories during and since the uprising. In western cities and towns that played key roles in the uprising against Gaddafi - such as Misrata, Zintan and Zawiya - the experience produced robust local structures that knitted together civilian councils, tribal elders and armed groups. In communities that had either supported the Gaddafi regime or refused to join the fight, similar structures also emerged, often as a means of defence against anti-Gaddafi factions. Animus between these simmered in the years after the uprising and sometimes spilled over into violence. The civil war that began in , however, brought new alliances between cities, towns and communities but also fractures within. Three years later, many cities and towns in western Libya are riven with internal tensions that often reflect aspects of the national conflict. Due to proximity to the Tunisian border, several towns in western Libya have been blighted by smuggling networks. Apart from the highly lucrative trade of fuel smuggling, some coastal towns have become hubs for human traffickers sending migrants to Europe by sea. The uprising against Gaddafi began after anti-regime protests in Benghazi tipped into armed rebellion there and in other towns in eastern Libya including Baida, Tobruk and Derna. The NATO-led intervention authorised by a UN resolution in March shielded the region from any further military threat by the regime. As a result, while eastern cities and towns galvanised in support of the uprising, they were not subjected to months of siege like Misrata or threat like other towns in western Libya, which resulted in the relatively cohesive local structures outlined earlier. While the east did not witness conflicts between cities and towns, it did experience tensions between hardline Islamists many of whom had been jailed or tortured by the Gaddafi regime in the revolutionary camp and security personnel who had defected. Post-Gaddafi eastern Libya has also been marked by movements seeking some measure of regional autonomy ranging from decentralisation and federalism to a full-blown independent state. The separatist current has gained further traction in recent years. The push to establish rival institutions including a parallel Central Bank and National Oil Corporation in eastern Libya since late was in part driven by this sentiment. Much of the south joined the uprising in its final stages and the region was largely spared sustained fighting that year. As elsewhere in Libya, since local dynamics have also been shaped by the national power struggle, with different factions aligning themselves with one camp or the other. Smuggling networks are particularly entrenched in southern Libya where porous borders benefit transnational traffickers. Long-standing grievances over citizenship and other rights for the Tebu and Tuareg populations also fuel tensions as does an overall sense that the south is more marginalised and neglected than any other region. The role of local government since , opportunities and challenges. Since , an array of local actors - from armed groups to civilian councils, tribal elders and other notables - have helped fill the vacuum left by a weak central state, often helping to provide security and assist with conflict management. But this highly localised dynamic has been double-edged, helping contain but also often driving conflict and insecurity. It has also undermined the role and legitimacy of state institutions already struggling with limited capacities and it has disrupted efforts to implement national programmes. In the absence of an effective, unified and inclusive state, the balance of power between different layers of government has tilted towards the local. Given the high levels of support among the general population for greater decentralisation, the question of how far devolution to the local should go is a pertinent one. The current network of municipal councils springs from what emerged that year, with democratically elected councils later replacing the ad hoc bodies of , along with the reinvented shaabiyat administrative districts of the Gaddafi era. Libyans were generally enthusiastic about these local representatives after , seeing in the councils the possibility of future decentralisation. The highly centralised Gaddafi regime in a country the size of Libya meant that citizens had to travel long distances to Tripoli for basic matters of bureaucracy like signatures and stamps. Continuing frustrations over this and other aspects of the centralised state have prompted some Libyans to examine the Estonian experience of e-governance to see if the model could be replicated in Libya in future. Estonia was the first country to successfully introduce a legally-binding e-voting system into its election process and most government services — apart from marriage and buying property — can be done online there. Due to the nature of the Libyan state as a rentier state almost entirely reliant on oil revenue, the municipal councils depend on the Central Bank of Libya for financing of local initiatives. This has led some to call for a local tax that would enable districts to launch development projects according to their specific needs without requiring approval - or funding - from central government. While the product of one of the few decisions made by the transitional authorities that had lasting impact, the newly formed network of municipal councils suffered from a dearth of experienced personnel with the operational and managerial capacities to adequately deal with the challenges of post-Gaddafi Libya. This, in turn, affected service delivery. With the rise of Khalifa Haftar in eastern Libya, the nascent local government system has faced other threats and challenges. As his self-styled Libyan National Army LNA expanded its control over most of eastern Libya, it sought to interfere with the workings of municipal councils in order to consolidate its power base. In other towns tribal elders asked Naduri to install a military figure to run the municipality instead of the existing local council. It was unclear whether such requests were voluntary or the result of pressure or coercion. Gajiji had been to fore when it came to pushing for the empowering of municipal councils to shore up popular legitimacy. In some cases, including Benghazi, a civilian mayor was later re-instated but the trend of militarisation continues, particularly in eastern Libya. Other attempts to change or undermine the fledgling local government system came in early when Abdullah al-Thinni, the former prime minister who - despite being no longer recognised by the UN - clung to his title and base in Baida, eastern Libya, announced he wanted the legislation changed. He created a committee which he said would draft amendments to the local government law. The bid to change the law was interpreted as wanting legal cover for such moves. The prospects for amending the legislation are considered slim given the unstable political environment: it is unlikely to get the requisite approval from the House of Representatives and it could also prompt a public backlash given the relative popular goodwill towards the councils. Of these, 23 were reinventions of the former shaabiyat of the Gaddafi era. Throughout and , 85 municipal councils were elected under the supervision of the Central Committee for Municipal Council Elections. In areas where elections were not held - for reasons including poor security - the councils that emerged in largely remained in place with some personnel changes. Some efforts were made in to expand the total number of municipalities to but due to the political instability then and since these increases have not been passed into law. Under Law 59, each municipality was to have a municipal council with its size depending on population and municipal administration known as the diwan. Municipalities were also to be divided into a number of wards or mahallat. Each mahalla has a mokhtar, or chair, who should be appointed based on merit by the governor - though the governorate system has yet to take shape - following proposal by the mayor. Mokhtars do not have executive authority but are part of the general municipal administration. Currently mokhtars are nominated by mayors and the ministry of local governance. Municipal councils are also supposed to establish a shura or consultative council comprised of local notables. The overall legal framework remains incomplete, however, and there is a lack of clarity regarding how responsibilities are - and should be - divided between the different levels of government, from executive to municipal council. Most services and functions remain under the aegis of executive bodies and branches of state agencies, particularly when it comes to local economic development. Municipalities have complained that they are not empowered enough to take the initiative in their respective areas, and that functions assigned to them under Law 59 often overlap with those of executive bodies. This legal vagueness has resulted in inefficiency and poor results due to lack of coordination between municipal and executive bodies. The ongoing national political crisis makes it unlikely that this institutional confusion will be resolved anytime soon. Some districts have been closely associated with anti-Gaddafi revolutionary sentiment since , such as Tajoura, Fashloum and Souq al-Jume. Others are perceived to be more sympathetic to the former regime, such as Hadba and Buslim. Relations between the various neighbourhoods can often depend on their respective positions during and tensions between armed groups from each area can often flare into violence. Their retreat also led to an exodus of Tripoli residents of Zintani origin, many of whom complained they were subject to threats and harassment. Controversies surrounding the appointed mayor Mehdi Harati - a former militia leader who also fought in Syria - later led to his removal. For some Tripolitanians, the perception remains that the council is too closely linked with certain armed groups. More recently tensions in the city have hinged on militia rivalry over territory and whether armed groups support or oppose the GNA. Tripoli is also home to a number of Benghazi residents displaced by the fighting in their city, some of whom have links to anti-Haftar forces which include designated groups like Ansar al-Sharia. This too has caused tensions. While some armed groups - particularly the Rada force - present themselves as policing the city, criminality has soared in recent years. Kidnapping for ransom is a particular problem. Hundreds of abductions have been reported this year. Local media regularly report cases of people being pulled from their cars or seized while walking on the street. Ransoms of up to , Libyan dinars are typically demanded. In a number of cases, those kidnapped have been killed by their captors if their families have been unable to raise the ransoms demanded. A number of children have died in this way. Tripolitanians also struggle with daily challenges including rising food prices, lengthy power outages and sometimes fuel shortages. But displacement as a result of the operation launched by Haftar in May ostensibly to root out extremist groups has changed the dynamics of the city. Thousands have been killed and many more forced from their homes. Benghazi residents make up the largest single cohort of displaced in Libya at present. Severe polarisation over three years of war has encouraged tribalism and the emergence of Haftar-aligned armed groups seeking vengeance. For now, prospects for reconciliation leading to a return of the displaced are slim. They have convened a parallel council in Tripoli which focuses on assisting IDPs from the city, using funds allocated by the government in the capital. Several critics of Haftar and his LNA have been detained. They now control the Awkaf religious affairs ministry offices there as well as most mosques in the city. Furthermore, the growth of tribalism has also made many uneasy. Bodies including the municipal council, educational institutions and hospitals have come under pressure to appoint certain tribesmen to senior positions. The city faces a massive reconstruction bill before new development projects are initiated. Several construction projects launched before the have not re-started since. Many of the ills that helped spark the uprising in Benghazi - youth unemployment and a general sense of marginalisation by the central authorities in Tripoli - remain today. Benghazi is home to key figures in the movement seeking autonomy for eastern Libya, some of whom are now openly separatist in their rhetoric. While polling has shown significant support for decentralisation in Benghazi and across the east, those who favour a separate state are few in number. The city suffered extensive infrastructural damage during , when it was besieged by regime forces for several months. Its population of some , has swollen over the past three years with the arrival of displaced - many of them of Misratan origin - from Benghazi, Tripoli and other areas. The latter, one of the biggest employers in the city, remains one of main state revenue sources outside the energy sector. Misratan militias - which grew out of the revolutionary brigades that emerged in - were central to the Libya Dawn alliance which took control of Tripoli in summer even though many Tripolitanians had long resented them, particularly after Misratan militiamen opened fire on protesters in the capital in , killing dozens. Armed groups from Misrata also dominated the Bunyan al Marsous alliance that drove Islamic State from its stronghold of Sirte, further east from Misrata, in Antipathy towards Misrata is common across Libya due to the role its political and armed factions are considered to play on a national level, with many accusing them of overreach. Misrata is also criticised for the displacement of the entire neighbouring town of Tawergha by Misratan armed groups in late They accused Tawerghans of carrying out abuses in support of Gaddafi during the uprising. Misrata held its first free elections in February , the first city to hold local elections after the fall of the Gaddafi regime. The current municipal council was elected in May and elected its mayor the following month. Misrata is considered one of the most secure - and prosperous - cities in Libya, but it was rocked by an attack on its courthouse by Islamic State militants in October Tensions have also grown in the city over the presence of IDPs from Benghazi, some of whom are suspected of sympathising with extremists groups. Until that national crisis is resolved, little can be done to address the structural and legislative questions that have hampered the development of a truly effective layer of local governance. A clearer legal and constitutional framework is required in order to properly define the role and function of local government. In the meantime, the focus should be on building capacity in municipal councils to help them provide the best possible services in the current environment. Developing skills in the areas of planning, budgeting, financial management, post-conflict recovery, and decentralised development can help local institutions better provide public services but also initiate development according to the specificities of their areas. So far, seven Libyan cities - including Tripoli, Benghazi and Sirte - are involved in the project which focuses on public services. Other proposed projects include creating composting facilities in five Libyan municipalities, training youth leaders in counter-radicalisation and developing a university course in public administration. Municipal councils can be empowered through building their institutional capacity and making sure they are better resourced in the short term to enjoying a greater measure of autonomy in the long term. While this should complement - and be complemented by - efforts to restore the sense of the national and create a unified central government, failure to effectively decentralize could further weaken Libya as a nation state. Regional dimensions Northwest In western cities and towns that played key roles in the uprising against Gaddafi - such as Misrata, Zintan and Zawiya - the experience produced robust local structures that knitted together civilian councils, tribal elders and armed groups. Northeast The uprising against Gaddafi began after anti-regime protests in Benghazi tipped into armed rebellion there and in other towns in eastern Libya including Baida, Tobruk and Derna. South Much of the south joined the uprising in its final stages and the region was largely spared sustained fighting that year. The role of local government since , opportunities and challenges Since , an array of local actors - from armed groups to civilian councils, tribal elders and other notables - have helped fill the vacuum left by a weak central state, often helping to provide security and assist with conflict management. Civil registration Issuing of permits for businesses Public health and environment monitoring The overall legal framework remains incomplete, however, and there is a lack of clarity regarding how responsibilities are - and should be - divided between the different levels of government, from executive to municipal council. Back Search.

Socio-Political Situation in Libya from the Urban Perspective

Buying blow Misrata

View Alerts and Messages Archive. There is currently no U. Embassy in Libya. Questions may be addressed to the Libya External Office located in Tunis. Inquiries regarding U. Callers in the United States and Canada may dial the toll-free number Callers outside the United States and Canada may dial Business Visas: You must obtain an invitation from or sponsorship by a company operating in Libya. Find information on dual nationality , prevention of international child abduction and customs regulations on our websites. Terrorism: Terrorist groups and those inspired by such organizations are intent on attacking U. Terrorists are increasingly using less sophisticated methods of attack — including knives, firearms, and vehicles — to more effectively target crowds. Frequently, their aim is unprotected or vulnerable targets, such as:. The following groups, which are on the U. Terrorist attacks have occurred in Libya and the surrounding region. Extremists have kidnapped foreigners. For more information, see our Terrorism page. Clashes among armed groups, including government-aligned forces, occur periodically throughout the country, including Tripoli, other urban areas. Demonstrations occur frequently. They may take place in response to political or economic issues, on politically significant holidays, and during international events. International Financial Scams: Internet romance and financial scams are prevalent in Libya. Most scammers pose as U. For more information on international financial scams, see our page on Protecting Yourself from Scams and the FBI pages. Technology Usage Abroad: Mobile Devices are vulnerable to compromise, theft, and physical damage anywhere in the world. Best practices prior to traveling abroad are keeping all software operating system and apps updated and use virtual private network and encrypted voice over IP VoIP applications if possible. Do not connect to unknown open Wi-Fi. 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Women are expected to wear clothing that meets strict modesty standards and may be stopped or harassed if they are dressed in a manner that is deemed immodest. Find more information about the specific risks that women face in Libya through our Libya Travel Advisory , the Country Security Report , and see our travel tips for women travelers. See our travel tips for Women Travelers. Injured or seriously ill travelers may prefer to take a taxi or private vehicle to the nearest major hospital rather than wait for an ambulance. The Department of State does not pay medical bills. Be aware that U. Most hospitals and doctors overseas do not accept U. Medical Insurance: Make sure your health insurance plan provides coverage overseas. Most care providers overseas only accept cash payments. Visit the U. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention for more information on type of insurance you should consider before you travel overseas. Check with the Embassy of Libya to ensure the medication is legal in Libya. Vaccinations: Be up to date on all vaccinations recommended by the U. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Embassies and Consulates. The U. Embassy maintains a list of doctors and hospitals here. We do not endorse or recommend any specific medical provider or clinic. Road Conditions and Safety: Roadside assistance is extremely limited and offered only in Arabic. Wind-blown sand can reduce visibility without warning. During rainstorms, roads will flood. Very few streets are marked or have signage, and highway signs are normally only in Arabic. Paved roads in rural areas are satisfactory; however, many rural roads are unpaved. Public Transportation: Public transportation is limited. Taxis are available, but taxi drivers may be reckless and untrained. English-speaking drivers are extremely rare. See our Road Safety page for more information. 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Demonstrations can be unpredictable, avoid areas around protests and demonstrations. Past demonstrations have turned violent. Check local media for updates and traffic advisories. Provide a list of local attorneys. We do not endorse or recommend any specific attorneys. Help you find accommodation and arrange flights home Replace a stolen or lost passport Domestic Violence: Libya does not have any laws prohibiting or criminalizing domestic violence. In Libya: You may be detained for questioning if you do not have your passport with you. It is illegal to take pictures of certain buildings, especially military and government facilities. Penalties for possessing, using, or trafficking in illegal drugs are severe, and convicted offenders can expect long jail sentences and heavy fines. Driving under the influence can result in immediate detention. Alcohol is also prohibited, and possessing, using, or trafficking in alcohol can carry severe penalties. 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Buying blow Misrata