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Photo El Faro. Still though, people migrate, people flee. I started reporting on stories of young people returned to Honduras after being deported, including those that had been mutilated by the train. I told the story of Pilar, a member of COFAMIPRO, a committee made up of the mothers who organize every year to travel to Mexico in search of their sons or daughters who have disappeared while migrating north. Pilar has spent years searching for her daughter. They were from migrants slaughtered on their journey north. To be a journalist in Honduras is to know that these stories are not an exception. The country is in pain. The protests ranged from peaceful demonstrations to confrontations with the police, as well as the looting and burning down of businesses. It was a political crisis. The country was soon put under martial law and 22 people were killed by military forces. The police shot to kill. When the peak of protests ended, we dedicated months to document the stories of the people who ended up imprisoned for destroying property in the protests. We went to a pair of funerals for young people killed in the protests and, months later, stayed in touch with their family members who had yet to find justice for the murders. We also spoke with the relatives of protestors who were locked up in maximum security prisons for four months. Neighborhoods, like where Kimberly Dayana Fonseca lived, were closed off. Fonseca was a year-old killed on the first day of curfew. No one trusted outsiders: the police came around, asking questions that made the neighbors feel vulnerable. Journalists, too, were often seen as having close ties to the president. In Honduras, doing independent journalism means constantly running into a wall. This wall is built by mafia-run institutions that have silenced and terrorized whole communities. To simplify a complex reality, the media has labelled the country a narcostate. We live in a reality where drug trafficking and political power complement each other, where institutions are meant to launder money and where a president can get himself reelected by using money made from drug trafficking and political robbery. But Honduras is also more than a narcostate. Before, when there were no drug cartels to control the country, it was a corrupt group of elites, as well as a fruit company, that wielded power over the president. The state was designed to facilitate crime and the enrichment of a select few. In both setups, silence is golden. Silence is a form of survival. Honduras is one of the poorest and most unequal countries in Latin America. While the elites receive legal benefits, the majority of the population lives a daily struggle or flees for the United States, seeking to escape hunger and poverty. Its geographic location has made it a hot spot for drugs as 80 percent of the cocaine headed towards the United States passes through this tiny country with weak and easy-to-infiltrate institutions. The distrust of mass media has changed how people read and receive their news. Internet access started to chip cracks in the wall that traditional outlets had built over the years—the narrative that nothing unseemly was happening in Honduras. The discussion of what went down in whether it was a coup or not began on social media, and only then was it mentioned in traditional media. The same discussion is happening now with the narcostate label. Several Mexican raftsmen approach the border bridge between Guatemala and Mexico as they encouraged migrants to jump into the Suchiate river, bringing them to Mexican shore. In , Alfredo Landaverde—who was the former advisor of the Anti-Drug Trafficking Office created by the passing of the Public Ministry Law in December of —told a news outlet that the chief of the National Police Force knew about the criminal structures trafficking in cocaine and how they were using the law to protect themselves. Even ordinary citizens knew who the drug lord in each of their cities was. Landaverde added that the politicians and the narcos would get together in San Pedro Sula, Tegucigalpa, La Ceiba, and Tocoa, where the drug traffickers would buy off policemen and the armed forces. He said the drug money gained access to politicians, the justice system, and private businesses. Landaverde was killed a month after giving this statement; his murder has yet to be solved. The mass media soon forgot about the whole thing, including the impunity of his killers and his statements that set off the ordeal. The government has also shut down independent investigations via laws that have stripped power from the the National Anti-Corruption Council known as MACCIH, for its initials in Spanish , which is about to expire and has yet to be renewed. The criminal process that journalist David Romero has gone through, after he was sentenced to ten years in prison for defamation, shows how libel and slander are being used to threaten dissenting voices. Above all, freedom of information requests pertaining to issues of security, budgets, and defense program planning are all kept under wraps. Despite the fact that the number of homicides in Honduras has been, since , cut nearly in half, according to government data, the many faces of violence continue to show themselves every day. There were 67 massacres—counted as an event with three or more people murdered—from January to December of this year, with victims, according to the National Police Force. That would double the number of massacres recorded in the same timespan just last year. The president successfully consolidated power into a grotesque government body called the National Security and Defense Council, which he oversees himself. In , the government launched a social program called Guardians of Heritage. The program entails armed forces training children from at-risk communities located in both urban and rural environments. Still, after ten years in existence, the program cannot be audited. On three different occasions during the year, the digital newspaper Contra Corriente requested information from this program that the public deserves to have, like the syllabus, program content, annual budget, and the amount of children in the program. The first response that came from the Secretary of Defense explained that the information from a social program managed by the army is private. Honduras has proven throughout its history to be submissive to foreign interests, with its resources regularly exploited by outside industries including, currently, the illegal network of drug traffickers. Legal incentives favoring international businesses have grown under the new government. Public-private alliances grant land to these international companies to develop projects that the Honduran people end up paying for, such as with the highway toll booths. In , thousands of Hondurans marched in the streets to demand a commission against impunity similar to the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala known as CICIG, for its initials in Spanish , which was established by the United Nations. These different corruption cases include allegations of diverting funds from NGOs and government offices, concessions, irregularities, an overvaluation of medical equipment for state contracts, as well as the Impunity Pact complaint that tried to block investigations into lawmakers. Considering that the same lawmakers it targets still remain in power, Hondurans still question how much power the anti-corruption council actually wields, and whether those proven guilty will ultimately spend any time in jail. This leaves it in the hands of the High Court of Auditors under the assumption that corruption is an administrative oversight and should not be left to a criminal procedure. There is no doubt that the anti-corruption council allowed journalists and citizens access to information that showed how corruption networks worked. The anti-corruption council afforded journalists key access to anti-corruption cases. The distrust in the media is, in some respects, deserved. Because of the media, people grew accustomed to hearing the same speeches, whether from government supporters or the opposition. The popular belief that journalism is done to attack others and not to reveal truth explains a lot about power structures in Honduras. Journalism can either show the consequences of an event or turn that same event into a problem. It turns Honduras into even more of a hostile environment for journalism. Instead, it pushes back on the freedom of expression, pushes back on using journalism as a watchdog tool. Fear and distrust are the strongest enemies of Honduran journalism right now. And then there are the famous opposition outlets that spread rumors and leaks without verification. They also like to point out, without evidence, that they are seen as independent, brave, and confrontational voices. In that hostile environment, with all that fear, journalism that makes people uncomfortable is all the more necessary. Search buscar. Tuesday, January 7, Support Independent Journalism in Central America. For the price of a coffee per month, help fund independent Central American journalism that monitors the powerful, exposes wrongdoing, and explains the most complex social phenomena, with the goal of building a better-informed public square. Support Central American journalism. Cancel anytime. Support El Faro. El Faro is supported by:. All rights reserved. Founded on April 25,

Buying blow El Progreso