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By using our site, you agree to our collection of information through the use of cookies. To learn more, view our Privacy Policy. To browse Academia. Cocaine has a long and mostly forgotten history, which more often than not over the past century has revolved around relationships between the United States and the Andean republic of Peru. Peruvian axis, through three long historical arcs or processes that preceded— and in some sense inform—the hemispheric ' drug wars ' of the past twenty years. For each stage, I will focus on the changing U. Each period left its legacies, and paradoxes, for cocaine's progressive definition as a global, illicit, and menacing drug. This is mainly a synthetic essay, trying to make sense of a vast body of new research in international archives—but the history of drugs also makes fertile. The implementation of President George H. This article deconstructs prevailing top-down, US-centric analyses of the drug war in Latin America to examine how US power was exercised and resisted in the Bolivian case. Journal of Illicit Economies and Development, Despite the well-documented human costs of the war on drugs, and the growing evidence of the environmental impacts of illicit economies, the militarized repression of the illicit drug trade remains a central hemispheric security and cooperation strategy in Northern and Central American countries. Through a multidisciplinary dialogue that combines history, sociology, anthropology, economics, and political science, this Special Issue critically interrogates why despite these failures the war on drug endures. Together, the contributors challenge explanations focused on state absence, weakening of the state, and ungoverned spaces and instead propose a research agenda that sheds light on the long-lasting, structural effects of the capitalistic integration of the region within the economy of illicit drugs. In particular, the Special Issue contributes to three existing and interconnected debates: First: the role of drug economies and illicitness on state formation, social inequalities, and development in Mexico and Central America. Second: the impact of illicit economies on local populations, and the connections between the licit and the illicit, margins and centers, and political orders and violence. Third: the variety of stakeholders that benefit from the war on drugs and that link the United States, Mexico, and Central America in licit and illicit fashions. Prohibition is a failure; nevertheless, it does move. It moved fast and fiercely in the Americas, but not as a monolith. Each country in the continents has a particular history regarding the movement toward the criminalization of drugs. This plural and synchronic history has the flavor of many overlapping dynamics related to the different societies that testify to increasing levels of violence. It is not possible to tell a unified history of drug prohibition in the Americas, but we are able to identify a common ground. It combines local prejudices toward select social or ethnic groups poor European and Asian immigrants, descendants of slaves from Africa, Native American descendants, impoverished urban workers, etc. Beyond all these elements are the connections between multiple national security discourses and US geopolitical interests in the continent that included the War on Drugs as part of its national and regional agenda. Otherwise, this article general aim is to discuss the space occupied by South America in the US current security concerns and goals through the analyses of the US war on drugs. We argue that the US counter-narcotics policy is a local variation of its global security strategy. Through a historical perspective, we present a transition from an approach that associates the war on drugs with a Cold War enemy, particularly the communist guerrillas, toward another one that recognises the fight against illegal drugs as itself a threat to the US national security and a justification for the US intelligence and military presence in South America. However, over the past 10 years Latin American governments and civil society organizations have pushed back against prohibitionist drug policies. A regional debate has emerged, focused on the failure of present policies to achieve their desired objectives and the high cost of implementing supply reduction efforts, in terms of drugs- fuelled violence, corruption and institutional instability. This essay begins by outlining the characteristics of the global cocaine market. Finally, localized steps towards drug policy reform are outlined. The illegal marijuana export sector thrived in one of the poorest, most isolated regions of the country, the Guajira peninsula and its neighboring Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, a lawless zone strategically located in the heart of the Caribbean basin, but never fully integrated into either Spanish colonial regime or the modern Colombian nation-state. The paper explains these two moments as a confluence of local The contributors to Cocaine analyze the contemporary production, transit, and consumption of cocaine throughout the Americas and the illicit economy's entanglement with local communities. Based on in-depth interviews and archival research, these essays examine how government agents, acting both within and outside the law, and criminal actors seek to manage the flow of illicit drugs to both maintain order and earn profits. Whether discussing the moral economy of coca cultivation in Bolivia, criminal organizations and drug traffickers in Mexico, or the routes cocaine takes as it travels into and through Guatemala, the contributors demonstrate how entire ways of life are built around cocaine commodification. They consider how the authority of state actors is coupled with the self-regulating practices of drug producers, traffickers, and dealers, complicating notions of governance and of the relationships between economic and moral economies. The collection also outlines a more progressive drug policy that acknowledges the important role drugs play in the lives of those at the urban and rural margins. Journal of Innovation and Community Engagement, Log in with Facebook Log in with Google. Remember me on this computer. Enter the email address you signed up with and we'll email you a reset link. Need an account? Click here to sign up. War on Drugs Kelly Hage. Origin and consequences of the war on drugs. The Drug-Laden Balloon: U. Thomas Grisaffi. A trafficker's paradise: the 'war on drugs' and the new cold war in Colombia Lina Britto. This is mainly a synthetic essay, trying to make sense of a vast body of new research in international archives—but the history of drugs also makes fertile I thank the Wilson Center, especially its Latin American Program, for their tolerance, hospitality and largesse during writing; Julio Cotler Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, Lima for his commentary; Gil Joseph and two anonymous HAHR readers; and colleagues and helpers in the larger research project behind this essay. And our new son, Danyal Natan Sainz-Gootenberg b. And largely unknown: this essay is part of a larger archival project to unveil this hidden history. For the United States itself, we now have the superb study by Joseph F. Press, ; for global views, see Paul Gootenberg, ed. Karch, M. Hispanic American Historical Review Copyright by Duke University Press ground for trying new methods or approaches from the historical social sciences. Two approaches are worth mentioning here. Not only official drug policies but our basic attitudes towards drugs friend or foe, legal or illicit, domesticated or foreign , their variable social uses and bodily effects, and shifting patterns of supply and demand, are to a good degree historically created, conditioned, and changeable. Drug history, including that of cocaine, is about our protean social relationships to mindaltering substances, more than any rigid dictates of biochemistry or current morality. But this final period and process also witnessed the creation of illicit international networks of the drug; with them, as we also see, were born the persisting and paradox-laden North American drug dilemmas of the late twentieth century. Press, ; Amy Kaplan and Donald Pease, eds. Press, ; and Frederick Cooper and Ann Stoller, eds. This era saw coca transformed from an exotic botanical rarity in the West and traditional indigenous herb in the Andean highlands into a modern global commodity and a staple of late-nineteenth-century medicine and culture. Yet by , both cocaine and coca had become controversial and contested commodities, and the U. Cocaine, first crystallized from Peruvian coca leaf by , was widely regarded as the modern miracle alkaloid of the late nineteenth century. During the s, leading American physicians, such as William S. Searle, traded notes and fresh coca samples with their Peruvian counterparts. By the s, a large consumer market for coca products existed where none had before. One still feels the initial American enchantment 3. Searle, M. Press, Its medical uses, especially in surgery, boomed after the late news of its local anesthetic powers. Cocaine revolutionized anesthesia and hitherto unbearably delicate and painful operations, such as eye surgery. For a time, cocaine sparked serious debates as a therapy for a host of internal bodily and mental ills: for cholera, opiate addiction, hay fever, epilepsy, melancholia, and so on. Leading U. In the mids, the heated interest of North American science and industry quickly filtered to Peruvian doctors, statesmen, and capitalists. The U. Navy and U. Spillane, Cocaine, chap. Medical journals of the late s e. Drug-trade journals debated coca-growing schemes closer to or even within the United States, though this talk abated as Peru proved amply capable of meeting swelling American demands. Anecdotally, the young Mark Twain dreamt of making his fortune in coca raising. Indeed, by the late s a clutch of American cocaine interests, flexing political muscle, implemented a U. The United States, however, was by no means the sole power vested in cocaine. Austro-Swiss Germans traversed the Andes in midcentury and revived a long dormant European curiosity in coca, now for an accelerated industrializing world. The pioneer medical celebrities associated with the drug in the s were Germanic: Dr. Strausbaugh and D. Blaise, eds. Freud as psycho-pharmacologist and an avid user. And it was a German firm, E. Merck of Darmstadt, which earned its reputation making premium cocaine hydrochloride, its leading product line by the s. Yet their interest focused more on neo-Incan coca cultures and coca leaf botany, and in products used from opera singers to bicycle racers. The Germanic link reached far into Peru. Moreover, Europeans took an active colonial mercantilist stake in coca. The German cocaine nexus survived into this century. Hamburg brought in the bulk of legal Peruvian cocaine for refinement whereas New York imported mostly coca leaf. American policy pegged Germany as the chief obstacle to global cocaine controls, during the first international narcotics conventions and beyond. Peruvian responses to these wordly forces proved crucial to the creation of modern cocaine as a global commodity. In the late nineteenth century Peru was a poor, ethnically fractured and economically devastated land, barely recovering from the multiple disasters of its first six decades of independent life. Yet by the s, Peruvian intellectuals and medical men, such as Manuel A. Fuentes, Dr. Casimiro Ulloa, and Dr. In the mids, following the catastrophic War of the Pacific with Chile, a local medical and promotional movement for refined cocaine swiftly appeared, in concert with burgeoning scientific and commercial interest overseas. This caught the attention of Peruvian authorities, who convened a blue-ribbon panel on the drug. Peru thus became the biggest supplier of not only coca, but also cocaine, to this burgeoning world market from the s until its saturation around Ulloa, N. Colunga, and J. El Progreso, , 36— There sprung up about two dozen small factories, all employing local tooling and techniques. The northern Trujillo circuit increasingly specialized in beveragerelated coca-leaf sales for U. It eventually became, via Maywood Chemical of New Jersey, the privileged supplier for Coca-Cola—albeit, to maintain respectability, in de-cocainized form after High hopes were invested in Peruvian cocaine no pun intended. These branded varieties of export coca should not be confused with true botanical varieties, which sparked countless controversies in the nineteenth century. In part, such positive and positivist associations reflected how cocaine—by a waning nineteenth-century miracle drug—was seen in the world at large, with a strong added dose of national pride. So, when between and cocaine began its transformation abroad— from miracle to pariah drug, from boom commodity to unwelcomed illicit one— its legacies were paradoxical. The principle legacy was the working existence of global circuits of commodity cocaine: the U. The American preference for coca leaf imports—enshrined in U. Arguably, tobacco was the first global drug but hardly of modern origin and opiates widespread and ancient. David F. Musto, M. It took another 50 years for Peruvians to fully get that message, perhaps due to the high initial hopes placed on the drug, as well as the material and regional interests at stake. Cocaine in Retreat, — Cocaine did decline globally in the years to , both in worldly prestige and bodily usage. World consumption likely halved from a ton yearly peak to less than 4 tons in shrinking medical use by the eve of World War II. This era saw the first attempts, led by the United States, to project a global prohibition regime against cocaine at the same time licit world networks diversified and shifted toward Asia. The depression of locally produced Andean cocaine produced notable ideological challenges to American designs but as yet no illicit response. Significantly, the interwar period also represents the nadir of criminal or recreational ab use of cocaine, particularly within the United States itself. The sources of the anticocaine movement in the United States were complex, and will never be narrowed to one overriding cause. The reduced club of U. Lovejoy, and Andrew Sherratt, eds. Cocaine, U. Antidrug reformers stressed that as narcotics became proscribed, so must cocaine, to prevent former opium addicts from embracing the drug. Starting in , the pure F. Its crusade climaxed in a failed —12 Chattanooga show trial that accused Coca-Cola itself of marketing a fraudulent since cocaine-free product, with H. Rusby now a prime government witness against coca. In , responding to international treaty imperatives of our own making, congress unanimously added cocaine to the Harrison Narcotic Act the first federal drug law ; in , coca imports came under strict control in the Jones-Miller Act, which banned all cocaine imports. The vigilance of U. Treasury agents, State Department officials and later Harry J. Subsequently, cocaine consumption in the U. American fiends slowly faded into memory. Cocaine medicinal usage continued to shrink as substitutes like procaine came on line and cocaine research dried up since it fit poorly with the newly constructed medical or opiate addiction paradigm. And yet notably, almost no On fiends and so many issues in the U. Delegations to the International Opium Conferences, esp. See also Alan A. Confiscations of cocaine were measured in ounces or vials of diverted European medical-grade. No illicit factories came to life and no smuggling sprouted from Andean coca fields. The Coca-Cola Company, now breaking into export markets, was still invested in Peru northern coca-leaf flavoring, decocainized in New Jersey, was critical to its secret formula and now became a staunch government ally, supplying much-needed intelligence. These firms energetically cooperated with U. For clues, see H. From study of U. In contrast, the American campaign to internationalize anticocaine prohibitions, much less take it to the source in Peru, did not go very far beyond much spilled ink at international conferences. Other nations did not catch the U. In the s, U. The United States, as the principled, mobilized crusader for drug controls, assumed the universalist stand that all abusable manufactured drugs merited a global control. From the start, this meant the suppression of raw-materials production, in which Americans conveniently had no colonial stake. Big-power politics also played a role. Britain seconded this U. Surprisingly, however, the Germans went along with the idea instead, for a variety of reasons. Officials also noticed from the War on Drugs Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press, , esp. For U. Press, , chaps. By the s, Bolivia spiritedly defended its indigenous coca use in international forums, while Peru did its best to ignore the League and other internationalist pronouncements on drugs. This inadvertently sparked a new cocaine network—this time in Southeast Asia. North American anticocainism filtered through a more complex cocaine world between and Two novel global cocaine chains burst onto the scene: first the Dutch-Javanese colonial link which served European markets through the s , and later in the shadows of fictive League controls a Japanese pan-Asian network. Both new mercantilist circuits took Peruvian producers, who considered coca their national birthright, wholly by surprise, and for a two-decade interlude between and bypassed the Andes as world cocaine centers. The Netherlands first experimented with Javanese coca production in the mids, but like others, these early colonial efforts went dormant. Yet suddenly after , encouraged by colonial officials, the island sprouted dozens of modern and extremely productive coca plantations; by more than 1, tons yearly of high-alkaloid Javanese leaf effectively wiped Andean coca from European ports. After World War I, and a telling crisis of overproduction, the NCF became a leg of now League-sanctioned European cocaine supply and pricing syndicates. Yet, with such poor legal market prospects, and with pioneering Dutch commitments to ideals of international institutional cooperation as in The Hague , the Netherlands voluntarily moved to dismantle their cocaine empire in the late s. Nevertheless, Java still produced coca in the s, and even Merck N. Japan established its first colonial coca plantations on Taiwan in ; by the late s, with leading national chemists like Jokichi Takamine at work, the island was producing upwards of three tons of cocaine a year half of official world medicinal needs. There it found raw material, and perhaps coca know-how, until the operations were expropriated in They survived by faked official drug statistics and retail markets across Asia, some of which evidently involved shadowy or coerced sales. In this larger context, the American relation to Peruvian cocaine was changing. The Andean nation continued to make its openly legal cocaine and stood apart from the new regime of international drug control. But rather than regard Peruvian cocaine as an imminent threat, these officials, soon joined by prying FBN agents, tried to learn more about it through the exchange of information on drug-control law and chemistry with their Peruvian counterparts. In , the chief U. Based on declassification and study of U. That was one initial reason for the lack of diplomatic pressure to limit or suppress coca. Sometimes such interests got tangled, but the United States was not yet a heavy meddler. Where did this all leave Peru? Peruvian cocaine fell into an irreparable crisis between and This crisis revealed itself in many forms, some influenced from abroad but others of a decidedly national ilk. Coca leaf, largely of Trujillo origin, had to vie with competing non-Peruvian brands, even in the U. Coca and cocaine exports, representing less than 5 percent of the domestic harvest, were no longer significant items in the national economy. In the south, coca was diverted toward the still-growing internal market of Indian laborers. Others briefly entered the field on the price spikes associated with World War I and the coming of the Second as war drives up medicinal cocaine stocks. Besides creating a scarcity of buyers, the rising international regime affected Peru in several ways. Just as pro-cocaine science had before, modern anticocainism arrived in Peru mainly via medical and the new addiction science. Curiously or not, it focused on Indian coca-chewing for the true good of the natives, of course. In the s, Dr. Carlos Monge and his group turned to work against this hypothesis. Yet modern cocaine ab use per se was not a problem—few Peruvians had ever touched it. In fact, in Peru cocaine continued to be seen as a good thing, evoking serious national calls to defend it. In the s and s, various reformers vaunted the need to modernize the crisis-ridden cocaine sector, to encourage scientific agriculture for improved coca crops, and to upgrade refining into a modern pharmaceutical industry. The ideal was to make pure medicinal-grade cocaine hydrochlorides for profitable final medical markets. A call for state supports was raised—after all, this was still a quintessential Peruvian product—unjustly threatened by world competitors and critics. Lorente and B. In this contested climate, American sway on Peruvian policy remained slight. Overall, many paradoxes and legacies emerged from this transitional period from to The largest lasting change was the transformation of the United States from a world coca promoter to a would-be global crusader against cocaine. Yet, for a country that vaunted from the start externally focused or supply-side antidrug strategies, the United States achieved greatest success, however understood, in drying up cocaine use within its borders. Abroad, anticocaine notions were spreading mainly as a conflated lesser kin of narcotics , but were never taken too seriously by allies or the League, much less by actual coca producers. In Peru, the legacy was a growing schizophrenia between the vilification of coca-chewing and the defense of modern medicalized cocaine, between nationalist alternatives and American designs, between regional economic hopes and the slim market reality of legal cocaine, and between mounting U. Something had to give. From Global Prohibition to Illicit Cocaine — The chief paradox of the following period—from the s to the start of our contemporary entanglement with Andean cocaine in the s—is that the United States swiftly achieved its long-sought goal, a global cocaine prohibitions regime of near universal scope and consent. Peru conceded much of its former independent stance. In terms of American foreign drug policy, the postwar decades were also paradise found. This time around, the United States became the unchallenged guiding hand of a refurbished U. The C. International institutions emerged stronger and with more resolve, and now raw-materials limitation became the aggressively pursued cornerstone of the international regime. So during the early years of the Cold War, the old dream of a unified, comprehensive, and universally compulsory drug regime was hammered out by Washington. This culminated in the still-regnant U. Cocaine was still a sideshow here. On the surface, U. Musto suggests this hiatus in U. The year marked the extinction of any autonomous cocaine networks that had persisted before the war. The conflict demolished precisely the German, Japanese, and Dutch Javanese planters and pharmaceutical sources, and in each zone U. They started with the traveling —50 U. Signatories of the Single Convention, including Peru and Bolivia, pledged to fully eradicate the bush McAllister, Drug Diplomacy, chaps. Anslinger and William F. Supplement No. Indeed, the waning of Peruvian autonomy concerning drugs dates to the outbreak of World War II, and from that point on it gets harder to separate the North American and Peruvian threads of the story, narratively or analytically. After , many perspectives shifted. Peru became a staunch Good Neighbor ally, with goods like cocaine strategically and closely though tacitly surveilled. Officials spoke of putting the whole business under a restrictive state monopoly system. Peru began belated participation in League drug-control boards. The United States, for its part, became more and more blunt about cocaine; that is, it finally started meddling in the postwar years, and police and technical cooperation concerning drugs began. In a first move to pressure Peru, the United States temporarily suspended coca imports. By then, the stakes in legal cocaine had sunk far. However, this modest trade is no longer as complicating a factor in drug policy as it was in the first half of the century. Many factors and actors converged here, making the crackdown on cocaine production an overdetermined outcome. The well-publicized Peruvian mission of the U. Another U. The abrupt shift to the hardline pro-U. It was not spontaneous: U. The personnel of formerly legal factories were among those arrested, with more to follow. NA RG U. Press, on global cops. The generals moved in, blamed drugs on the local leftists APRA , and dismantled the last factories; U. Thus ended seven decades of licit cocaine; globally, the events of marked the triumph of U. Aftermaths and Aftershocks I will not belabor the irony that U. In fact, by definition it was the birth of illicit cocaine, which through a sinuous underground path starting in would by make the confiscation of ounces, much less the 10 legal tons of yesteryear, seem like a pipe dream. Yet, close inspection of evidence suggests a surprising pattern: the return of cocaine as the socially menacing drug of the s was largely the unintended outcome of American drug-suppression tactics and policies since There are some real connections here, not just long cultural gaps. With no licit spaces or political options left, throughout the s and s aspiring cocaine makers joined desperate peasants, and both in time linked up with an evolving transnational class of Latin illicit traffickers. Clawson and Rensselaer W. In the first stage, the cat-and-mouse game of the s and s elicited more dedicated, dispersed, and professional brokers of illicit supply. In the second stage, starting in the s, U. By , U. Networks rapidly extended in the early s, the Andes now officially tagged as contraband territory. Passing through stateless disarray following the Revolution, Bolivians now incubated illicit cocaine, with dozens of tiny labs mushrooming in and out of service and drug scandals tainting the highest authorities. F Casale and R. This touristic mix of decadence was soon displaced by the Revolution. By the early s, U. A U. But by now, cocaine was also returning in force to its commercial birthplace, eastern Peru. Between and , illicit cocaine systematically broke into U. But now these brainy-sexy types were glam rock stars, Hollywood elites, fun-bent stockbrokers, and a jaded postNixon middle-class revved up on the mounting beat of disco. By alarms started to go off: a congressional mission moved to investigate the Latin cocaine connection, crash-course U. The illicit was born as an autonomous sphere of Andean activity to the degree that official institutions lost autonomy to overseas drug control. Moreover, save for high-level corruption, social agency came mainly from disaffected and difficult to contain peasants, not local agrarian elites, in contrast to the legal coca boom of the s. The construction of jungle roads accelerated into a national policy, and colonization was touted as a stabilizing alternative to conflict-ridden land reform in the highlands. By the late s, the old U. Jungle regions and thousands of families of colonizing peasants were suddenly left to their own devices, stranded without even much in terms of traditional social authority. Popular memory recalls here the origin of the Huallaga valley coca boom as a return to a reliable staple when nothing else was marketable, amid dashed hopes of better lives. The relationship of cocaine to s disco culture cannot be stressed enough; among other things, no one could have danced to that music, much less listened to it, without chemical assistance. The next time the Americans entered the Huallaga Valley, in the mids, it was to their Santa Marta firebase, the beleaguered H. Coca growers hurried down into even more rugged frontiers; by , Peru had some , hectares under cultivation, and illicit cocaine production surpassed 1, tons. By the early s, the cocaine trail led from the rolling green of the Huallaga Valley and lowland Bolivia to coastal Chile, for processing and transshipments. The new cocaine market was, in large part, politically constructed in the North and obeyed an iron law of drugs: suppression of softer stuff leads mainly to the harder stuff. Many thus embraced cocaine as a harmless or soft pleasure drug. The new U. DAWN medical warning network helplessly detected the coming flood. Cocaine consumption grew by leaps and bounds to the s, and the innovating Colombians, and busy Peruvian and Bolivian peasants, kept up with or ahead of demand. Francisco E. London: Verso, remains indispensable. Postscript with Paradox The rest, one supposes, is history. The entire U. Thus cocaine became dramatically available to the masses. The escalating U. There, coca prices plummeted, risks shuffled again, and exhausted Huallaga peasants switched sides to the renewed Peruvian state. Elsewhere, peasant migrants to stateless guerrilla-run southern Colombia fast learned cocacocaine culture and even diversified into high-grade heroin , and this region David T. Press, , chap. This downward price spiral also might dispel the popular cry for for demonic CIA conspiracies on the rise of crack cocaine, though one needs another leap of faith to grasp the remarkable stupidity of the drug policies that did fuel it. An entire generation of young black men have experienced prison, rather than decent education and jobs, on the cross of our draconian cocaine laws. But U. Single Convention, however, still bars this. The legacies and paradoxes of this era flow into our historical present and largely speak for themselves. I am not one to draw historical lessons much less some specific policy reform from this long and densely packed history between coca and cocaine, and this long and troubled embrace between the United States and the eastern Andes. First, in mutually entangled ways, cocaine was economically, politically, and even culturally created: first as a modern global commodity — , then as a foreign menace —50 , and lastly as a truly dangerous and borderless illicit drug to the present. Such transformations are seen best in their larger transnational relational settings. Bertram et al. Similar medical-legal critiques were offered and officially spurned in the s, s and s as well. Cambridge, Mass. No one planned, nor much appreciated, the more benign multipolar cocaine world of the interwar era, and few would suggest as I do here that mounting midcentury efforts to stamp out residual cocaine inadvertently led into the massive and devastating explosion of illicit drugs of the s. Taking clues from Peru and the United States, it is hard to predict then precisely which kind of disasters will erupt from our current campaign against coca and cocaine in southern Colombia. But certainly not the results promised in Washington. 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