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Growing up in rural Illinois, Boyer was quiet and well mannered, a shy white kid who spent his afternoons fishing for strawberry bass in farm ponds and the creeks that feed the Mississippi. But he was drawn to charismatic boys who broke the rules. By , when Boyer was twenty-four, he was living in Tampa, Florida, doing heroin six or seven times a day. He was miserable and barely employable. He did deliveries for an electronics-repair business, but the job depended on his car, which was threatening to give out. He wanted to go to rehab, but the program cost nearly two thousand dollars—far more than he could afford. That winter, Boyer met a man who promised to change his life. He was a wiry Cuban American named Richie, who wore tight jeans and had long curly hair. Richie told them that he worked as a courier for a Colombian drug cartel, driving shipments of cocaine to New York City. He said that he was being cheated by his bosses, and he was assembling a crew to help him rob their stash house, which was lightly guarded. During pickups, Richie had counted at least eighteen kilograms of cocaine, worth close to two million dollars. His cut of the money—tens of thousands of dollars—would allow him to fix his car, pay for rehab, and, he hoped, put his life in order. He joined some other men Richie had recruited in the parking lot of a Home Depot, near a car that Mike had rented for the robbery. Boyer assumed that there were guns in the trunk. He had never done anything like this before. Boyer and the others drove to an outdoor storage facility, where Richie wanted them to deposit his share of the drugs after the raid. While they waited for Richie to give them the location of the stash house, Boyer paced the rows of storage units, nervously smoking Newports, wondering if he should back out. All at once, snipers in tactical gear emerged from under a tarp on the roof, and the roll-up doors of the storage units rose, displaying dozens of federal agents holding machine guns, like the prize reveal on an old game show. A helicopter circled overhead, and the air cracked with flash-bang grenades. Boyer threw himself to the ground, where he was cuffed and dragged face down to a law-enforcement vehicle, his jaw scraping against the asphalt. The next day, the Tampa Tribune reported that a drug-sting operation had led to the arrests of six people. They would burst into homes wearing police jackets and bulletproof vests, flashing guns and badges, and order drug dealers to the ground. Then they made off with drugs and money. The A. In the past four decades, sting operations of all types have become a major part of law enforcement in the United States, and stash-house stings are perhaps the most extreme example of this trend, because of the harsh penalties they carry. They can result in longer sentences than real crimes of a similar nature. Defendants like Boyer are often surprised to learn that the government has a nearly limitless ability to deceive. Secret Service agent, wrote in a policy analysis. Boyer spent six months in a holding cell at a Tampa jail, furious and confused, shivering as he went through withdrawal. He remained certain that a jury would be outraged by the A. At the trial, that summer, Zayas wore a dark suit and a tie, his hair drawn back in a ponytail. He testified that the A. He was convicted on all counts, and sentenced to twenty-four years in prison. Boyer was sent to prison in Pekin, Illinois, where everything seemed cold and hard: the concrete floors and the iron bars, the steel bed frame that left him with bruises. Two weeks into his sentence, another inmate hit him in the face with a padlock inside a sock, mistakenly believing that Boyer had stolen his radio. Boyer sought out the law library, a windowless room with a single working typewriter, hoping to find a way to fight his conviction. He piled law books onto a reading table made from one of the old wooden cell doors that had been in use until a riot led the warden to replace them with metal ones. Boyer learned that undercover operations became common only in the seventies. In the preceding decade, a string of Supreme Court decisions protecting the rights of defendants—most importantly Miranda v. Arizona—placed limits on what law enforcement could do when investigating a crime. Gary T. Marx, a sociologist and an expert on undercover policing, observed that law enforcement changed its methods in response. The first large-scale sting operation began in , when police in Washington, D. They dyed their hair, rode around in limousines, and posed for photographs with guns. Of the roughly hundred and twenty people caught in Operation Sting, most were not experienced traffickers but unemployed Black men who had heard about the high prices being offered at the warehouse and had decided to steal something. Still, the large number of arrests made headlines, and soon police departments across the country were setting up their own fencing operations. The police lieutenant who had been in charge of the warehouse later opened a firm called Sting Security, Inc. In the early eighties, after the Abscam sting, in which undercover F. Local, state, and federal agencies, left for the most part to monitor themselves, created units that were dedicated to designing plots to ferret out wrongdoing. Because undercover work does not have the same public-reporting requirements as standard policing, no expert or law-enforcement official I spoke to was able to estimate how many operations take place in the United States every day, but the number of participating federal agents is thought to be in the thousands. Today, there are stings targeting drug dealing, prostitution, terrorism, tax fraud, drunk driving, poaching, and a host of other crimes. In , the Times reported that the Department of Homeland Security was spending a hundred million dollars a year on undercover operations. Many federal agencies have the ability to run stings, including some that the public may not associate with crime-fighting, such as the Postal Service and the Department of Agriculture. Law-enforcement officials say that undercover work helps them catch sophisticated criminals when more traditional methods have failed, but many operations are open-ended and indiscriminate. They simply lay a trap and see who falls in. In , the New York City Police Department launched Operation Lucky Bag, placing backpacks and purses around the subway system and waiting to catch the people who took them. It resulted in more than two hundred arrests. Two years later, according to New Orleans City Business , local police parked a car loaded with Budweiser, candy, cigarettes, and cans of baked beans at three locations, including one a block away from a homeless encampment. They left the doors unlocked and the windows rolled down. Eight people, two of whom were homeless and six of whom had no prior convictions, were arrested for taking some of the items and charged with burglary, an offense that carries a prison term of up to twelve years. Many people caught in these plots initially assume that they have been entrapped, but the popular understanding of entrapment is far from the legal standard. The Supreme Court first recognized the defense in Sorrells v. United States, a case in which a Prohibition agent posing as a furniture dealer persuaded a North Carolina man to sell him a half gallon of whiskey. That winter, when Boyer filed an appeal, he decided to forego an entrapment defense, arguing instead that he should have received a lighter sentence because he was a minor participant in the plot. After two years in prison, he received a letter informing him that he had lost his appeal. Other men at Pekin were astonished. By then, Boyer had accumulated four trunks of documents and transcripts, which he kept padlocked in his cell, and he had earned a reputation as a jailhouse lawyer, someone who could help write briefs or give advice on cases. During free hours each day, a line of men waited to consult with Boyer at his regular table in the library. Not long afterward, Boyer heard the same thing from James McKenzie, a man in his twenties from Chicago. Soon, stash-house targets were arriving in Pekin from across the Midwest. In the late eighties, Richard Zayas attended the A. Zayas was soon assigned to an anti-narcotics task force in Miami. At the time, South American cartels were moving large shipments of cocaine through Florida. According to Carlos Baixauli, an A. Zayas helped invent the stash-house sting as a way to investigate these robberies. At first, the A. Also that resulted in violence. We tried an airplane strip. That resulted in violence. We tried a boat, drugs on a boat. In the years after Boyer was arrested, the A. A investigation by USA Today found that, in the previous decade, the number of these operations run by the A. Louis, teaching his methods to A. He played the role of Disgruntled Drug Courier in more than fifty operations and shared the stash-house playbook with agents in the United States, Canada, and Germany. Only those mentally resilient and clever enough can navigate their way inside this dangerously clandestine setting, and then survive in its confines while doing their jobs. City leaders boasted about the high rates of arrests and convictions stemming from stash-house stings. In Phoenix, in , a team led by the A. Nevertheless, the agency has also ensnared low-level offenders, and even people with no criminal records. I reviewed thousands of pages of court transcripts from more than a dozen stash-house cases and found that many of the so-called crews were haphazard groups of family members, acquaintances, or strangers thrown together at the last minute, as targets scrambled to find willing participants. Suspects in these cases frequently asked the undercover agents for help distributing cocaine or obtaining guns. One Chicago crew, after a failed search for handguns, showed up with only a five-shot revolver, manufactured sometime between and , whose grip was duct-taped together. When targets struggled to put together a plan, agents sometimes helped them instead of abandoning the operation. In at least one case, the A. William Buchanan was one of about forty people arrested in a run of stash-house operations in St. In , he and his three co-defendants showed up on the day of the robbery without guns, and, when interviewed later by a legal officer, Buchanan was unable to answer basic questions about his family. In an article in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch , his mother, Shirley Gill, said that he had suffered head injuries in a car crash and a fight. To be friendly, he tended to nod along while others were talking. Desperate people will often take the chance to change their circumstances, even by dangerous, illegal means. Times reported a conversation that took place between an undercover agent and two stash-house targets, Joseph Cornell Whitfield and Cedrick Hudson, before their arrests. Kirby, the San Diego defense attorney, told me that, when his client first met with Zayas, he arrived on a Schwinn bicycle, his only transportation. As large numbers of stash-house cases made their way to court, some judges began to voice concern about the A. In the summer of , a sombre Black man named Leslie Mayfield came to see Boyer in the prison library. Mayfield, who had grown up in the Chicago area, had joined a gang at a young age and dropped out of school after the eighth grade. After serving ten years for attempted murder, he had tried to make a clean break. At forty-two, he moved with his girlfriend, Sharonnette, her four kids, and a grandchild to Naperville, a Chicago suburb, and found a job at an electronics warehouse, where he made twelve dollars an hour. Soon, Potts started boasting about the money he was making by dealing drugs, and he asked if Mayfield wanted in. He confided in Potts, and the next day Potts handed him a stack of bills in the warehouse bathroom. Mayfield contacted a couple of old friends, and at the last minute he decided to bring along Dwayne White, a friend twenty years his junior whom he considered a brother, without saying exactly why he needed his help. Potts was working as an informant for the A. Mayfield was sentenced to twenty-seven years in prison. White was sentenced to twenty-five. That was in Through the years, Boyer had watched as numerous stash-house defendants argued entrapment before judges in the lower courts. As far as he knew, all of them had lost. She had become alarmed by the increase in stash-house stings. Siegler and Miller hired Jeffrey Fagan, an expert in policing who had discovered racial disparities in the N. By sending confidential informants into Black neighborhoods, the A. Undercover agents also implicitly encouraged Black stash-house targets to recruit other Black men to help them. The University of Chicago team found only three drug-ripoff cases that were not orchestrated by law enforcement. These cases involved ten white, eight Hispanic, and two Black defendants. For several years, they used their authority to rob couriers and confiscate drugs, which they then sold back to dealers. Kogut worked undercover with the A. In , USA Today published an analysis of six hundred and thirty-five defendants arrested in stash-house stings and found that ninety-one per cent were people of color, far higher than the percentage among suspects arrested for violent crimes or drug offenses. Five years later, a Harvard law professor reviewed stash-house stings in the Southern District of New York from the previous decade and found that, of a hundred and seventy-nine defendants, not a single one was white. In February, , Chicago prosecutors contacted Siegler with a deal: they would agree to drop all the charges with mandatory minimums if the members of her class action pleaded guilty and gave up their claim of racial discrimination. The deal collectively spared the group hundreds of years in prison. Mayfield was released that summer. He moved in with his sister in the Chicago suburbs and found work at a rubber factory, but he woke up each morning thinking about Dwayne White, who had not been a part of the class action, because his conviction had been made final by the time it began. He would not be released until The motion included a letter from Mayfield. Around the same time, in , Boyer heard that the Obama Administration was starting a clemency initiative aimed primarily at nonviolent offenders who had served at least ten years of their sentences. He and his lawyer, Katie Tinto, the director of the Criminal Justice Clinic at the University of California, Irvine, School of Law, put together a hundred-and-sixty-five-page petition with facts about his case alongside testimony from family, friends, and the judge who oversaw his sentencing. Tinto was sobbing. In late May of this year, I went to visit Boyer in St. Petersburg, Florida, where he was living with his girlfriend and her two daughters in a tiny mint-green bungalow with white trim. Boyer greeted me in a T-shirt, shorts, and a baseball cap; he is small, with close-set blue eyes and a jumpy, boyish energy. Since his release, Boyer has been working as a freelance paralegal and campaigning to persuade the Department of Justice to ban stash-house stings. He has sent letters to members of Congress, the D. In September, however, after a campaign by the N. Now Boyer is hoping that Representative Bobby Scott, a Democrat from Virginia, will reintroduce his Safe Justice Act, which, among other provisions, would give judges the discretion to bypass mandatory minimums in certain cases. Boyer and I decided to try to find the storage facility where he had been arrested. We drove across the silvery expanse of the bay into Tampa, pelicans flying low over the cars. Boyer told me that he understood why some people might not be sympathetic to men who said they were willing to commit armed robbery, and he took responsibility for showing up to the storage facility that day. For that reason, he felt that the degree of government involvement should be considered at sentencing. Such a system would recognize that guilt comes in shades of gray. Until then, he feared, police would be free to invent new plots to lure people into crime. But in reality most of us are what legal scholars call probabilistic offenders, people who might break the law under certain circumstances. Marx, the sociologist, gave Congress a similar warning. Boyer merged onto a highway lined with nail salons, coin laundromats, fast-food restaurants, and billboards for personal-injury lawyers. Zayas is now a senior special agent; he has never spoken publicly about his role in creating the stash-house sting, and he did not respond to my requests for an interview. After the Chicago class action, the A. He told me that he had thought about this place nearly every day while he was in prison, and that he was unnerved by the hold it still had on him. He started to feel weak and light-headed, so I suggested we go back to the car. An earlier version of this article mischaracterized a report about an A. Save this story Save this story. Cartoon by Zachary Kanin. Copy link to cartoon Copy link to cartoon. Link copied. Cartoon by Barbara Smaller. Cartoon by Johnny DiNapoli. News Desk. The Pursuit of Gender Justice. For the first time, the International Criminal Court has concluded that an armed group specifically targeted women. By Jina Moore Ngarambe. The Lede. Treating political violence as a contagion could help safeguard the future of American democracy. By Michael Luo. Outrage and Paranoia After Hurricane Helene. These are significant things in North Carolina, where Trump and Harris are within a point of each other. By Jessica Pishko. The Political Scene. Three months ago, the Vice-President was fighting for respect in Washington. Can she defy her doubters—and end the Trump era? By Evan Osnos. Among the Gaza Protest Voters. Will their tactics persuade her, or risk throwing the election to Trump? By Andrew Marantz. Letter from Pennsylvania. By Eyal Press. Is It Time to Torch the Constitution? By Louis Menand. Don Luigi Ciotti leads an anti-Mafia organization, and for decades he has run a secret operation that liberates women from the criminal underworld. Tammy Kim. By Susan B. The Relentlessness of Florida Hurricane Season. For residents still picking through the destruction caused by Hurricane Helene, the arrival of Milton was met with anxiety, horror, and, in some cases, weary acceptance. By Carolyn Kormann. On the trail, Emhoff has made loving music, and his wife, look like a campaign in itself. By Sarah Larson.

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