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This chapter describes what is known about drug markets, and the nature and extent of harms that arise from them. It begins with a brief theoretical discussion about the structure, prices, availability, and product quality of illegal markets. The discussion of harms distinguishes between drug production and international trafficking on the one hand, and wholesale distribution and retail marketing of drugs on the other. Each affects a specific set of communities and nations in a particular fashion. Access to content on Oxford Academic is often provided through institutional subscriptions and purchases. If you are a member of an institution with an active account, you may be able to access content in one of the following ways:. Typically, access is provided across an institutional network to a range of IP addresses. This authentication occurs automatically, and it is not possible to sign out of an IP authenticated account. 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Appendix: Summary of policy strategies and interventions reviewed in Chapters 8— Glossary of terms, abbreviations, and acronyms Close. Thomas Babor , Thomas Babor. Oxford Academic. Google Scholar. Jonathan Caulkins , Jonathan Caulkins. Griffith Edwards , Griffith Edwards. Benedikt Fischer , Benedikt Fischer. David Foxcroft , David Foxcroft. Keith Humphreys , Keith Humphreys. Isidore Obot , Isidore Obot. Peter Reuter , Peter Reuter. Robin Room , Robin Room. Ingeborg Rossow , Ingeborg Rossow. John Strang John Strang. Annotate Cite Icon Cite. Permissions Icon Permissions. Select Format Select format. Abstract This chapter describes what is known about drug markets, and the nature and extent of harms that arise from them. Keywords: drug abuse , drug markets , drug distribution , drug production , drug trafficking. Collection: Oxford Scholarship Online. You do not currently have access to this chapter. Sign in Get help with access. 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Four Common Misconceptions about U.S.-bound Drug Flows through Mexico and Central America

Buying Heroin Bolivia

Official websites use. Share sensitive information only on official, secure websites. Johnson, Ph. This article delineates various patterns of illicit sales of drugs, especially at the retail and near-retail level, addressing a variety of central issues about drug sales and distribution documented during the past 30 years, including: a the links between drug consumption and drug distribution activities; b the various distribution roles; c various levels of the distribution hierarchy; d types of retail and wholesale markets; e the association of drug distribution with nondrug associated criminality and violence. The article also will address the implications of drug distribution: whether various public policies such as supply reduction and source interdiction affect illicit drug markets, and how policing strategies and various law enforcement strategies can influence the involvement of individual participation in drug distribution activities. This article is designed to summarize many complex findings related to patterns of illegal drug distribution and sale. The focus is upon the retail and near-retail level of heroin, cocaine, and crack. The first section will address:. The article also will address several important implications and issues associated with illegal drug distribution, including:. The history of illegal drug distribution began with the rise of commercial opium trading in Far East and the widespread nature of the patent medicine business in the 19th century Musto, ; Courtwright, While these inventions were tremendously important advances for the development of modern medicine and remain exceptionally valuable when appropriately used by medical personnel, these inventions also increased the potency of drugs consumed, making them easier to use and abuse, as well as easier to conceal and smuggle. The isolation of morphine from opiates in and the refinement from morphine and commercial sale of heroin in greatly increased the potential for addiction and abuse among users. Likewise, the isolation of cocaine hydrochloride from the coca plant in the s introduced yet another major substance that has become widely abused. During the first quarter of the 20th century, concern about commercial opium trading in the Far East, especially China, and the extensive use of opiates and cocaine in patent medicines, resulted in international agreements in the s to limit the sale of these substances to medical purposes. These international agreements were made part of the peace treaty following World War I, obliging most of the western nations to establish laws restricting opiates and cocaine to medical practices Musto, , When these policies were implemented following World War I, the issue of whether a person addicted to these substances could be provided with maintenance doses by doctors was not resolved. In the United States, the alcohol prohibition agency was directed to enforce this law; this subsequently evolved into the Bureau of Narcotics after alcohol prohibition ended. This bureau determined that physicians could not prescribe heroin and cocaine to those dependent upon these drugs and arrested and prosecuted a few doctors for doing so. Most doctors ceased prescribing heroin, morphine, and cocaine to addicted persons Musto, Even when these drugs could be sold legally, however, a small number of persons began to resell heroin supplies to others who wished to avoid the stigma of appearing addicted Courtwright, After doctors ceased prescribing to addicts, many current heroin and morphine users began to purchase these drugs from illegal sellers. Following a moral crusade, the commercial sale of heroin was completely prohibited in the United States, and similar policies were subsequently implemented in many other countries Musto, During the s to the s, U. The illicit drug seller, especially those conducting business in public locations, continues to provoke the distain and fear of ordinary citizens who oppose illegal drug use. These growers receive much more income than they would otherwise earn from other legal crops. Yet, the costs of cultivation are a small fraction of the retail cost paid by the consumer. Growers sell to a extensive and elaborate network of persons who engage in illegal smuggling, refining raw materials into heroin or cocaine. Specialized syndicates effectively smuggle refined drugs illegally into wealthy societies, such as the United States and Europe Stares, In the s, illegal smuggling and dealing has arisen in third world countries Musto, Likewise, billions more are spent for local enforcement of tough laws for police, courts, and correctional services. The structure of illegal drug sales and distribution generally is simple in its general outlines, yet fiendishly complicated in the details when applied to any specific distribution group. The role structure may be grouped into retail level distributors and wholesale distributors. Research Johnson et al. Retail sellers are responsible for both money and drugs at least temporarily. This role is the functional, if illegal, equivalent of retail clerks in stores. They collect money from someone usually the final retail consumer purchasing a commodity. Wholesale distributors. These upper level distributors develop and maintain transnational networks of persons who conduct importation and distribution of wholesale quantities, and are labeled as organized criminal groups. MacCoun and Reuter, Proportionately very few nonusers of illegal drugs ever engage in illegal sales or transfers of drugs see Johnson et al. Almost all distributors also consume illegal drugs a few sometimes sell drugs they do not consume regularly. Most distributors primarily provide their labor and skills in exchange for the drugs they consume. Often they receive no cash payments but consume a portion of the drug s they are to sell. Low-level distributors routinely switch among the various roles, often within minutes. Upward mobility from retail seller into dealer and importer roles is very difficult and unlikely. Indeed, the vast majority of illegal drug users often performs the lowest level, and the legally most dangerous, roles in distribution. In the United States, many lower-level distributors live at severe poverty levels. This is true even when their sales income appears to be substantial. Johnson et al. Distribution hierarchy. Most police, court, and policy interest is focused upon upper level dealers, suppliers, traffickers. Effective traffickers, suppliers, and sellers insulate their identities and illegal activities from virtually everyone, except their most trusted coworkers. Suppliers and sellers use impoverished persons to perform dangerous missions and roles, and typically pay them only after successful performance. Private networks involve illegal transactions among buyers and sellers who routinely cooperate in arranging transactions that occur inside private settings, such as homes, apartments, or cars. Many transactions are often arranged by phone. These networks are especially common among middle class and working consumers of illegal drugs. Public networks involve sellers and lower-level distributors making sales to buyers in public settings streets, parks , and even in private spaces bars, clubs, stores, hallways and common areas of buildings. Sellers can maximize the number of transactions and customers served. Freelance public distribution: Virtually all illicit drug distributors prefer freelance work where they sell alone and were responsible for both money and drugs. Yet lone freelancers did not predominate in New York. Their more organized competitors drove most freelance crack sellers out of the more lucrative public selling locations; police arrested and removed others. The primary problem for freelancers was dependence; they consumed the supplies before they were sold. A common pattern involved. Freelance cooperatives where several freelance sellers collaborated in a loose cooperative fashion in a particular location, relying on informal agreements to help each other, but no one controlled the supplies or money of the others. Distribution businesses occurred when one or more persons was able to control the activities of several other persons. Such business-like sellers constitute a minority of distributors. But they hire and pay regular salaries to a few key employees who are responsible for hiring and managing day laborers who do the most dangerous work. Day laborers were unable to purchase supplies of drugs to sell, but sought work from other sellers. Effectively, the day laborer is paid to do as directed, in a quasi-employee role. The day laborer was paid in drugs rather than cash. The rapid consumption of such returns ensured a steady and cheap labor supply. Drug distribution and violence. Most research conducted in the late s and s has focused upon the role of drugs in homicide events. Unexpected, relatively few homicides occur because someone is killed during a robbery or theft committed by a drug user seeking funding for their drug habit. Rather, substantial proportions of homicides involve a pharmacological effect; the perpetrator was high, or under the influence, following heavy drug consumption. Guns and distributors. More homicides involved systemic violence, involving conflicts within and among drug distribution groups. A common homicide involved a supplier who killed a seller or lower-level distributor failing to return money or drugs. Another common homicide was for rival sellers or distribution groups to kill one another. An explosion of handguns in the s made their way into the hands of younger members of drug distribution groups Blumstein and Wallman, Imposition of strong gun controls, combined with removal of guns from civilian populations, helped reduce killings. Distribution associated with property crime and sex work. The typical offender does a wide variety of illegal activities Johnson et al. Illegal hard drug sales and transactions have become the hustle that is most lucrative, but have the highest prison penalties. Persons who routinely sell heroin, cocaine, crack, yet evade police and robbers, can earn large incomes. Male drug sellers appeared less likely to engage in robbery or burglary than in the past Fagan, b. These strategies do not work to reduce substantially the overall supplies of various drugs MacCoun and Reuter, ; Stares, Such interdiction and supply reduction have managed to suppress substantially cultivation in specific nations such as Peru and Bolivia, but production seems to increase elsewhere in Brazil and Columbia for example. Drug production cartels systematically seek locales with very low likelihood of detection and interruption. The retail prices of heroin and cocaine has declined substantially in the past decade. Few drug distributors stopped sales due to long sentences. They changed their sales tactics in some way to be less visible, to stash their drugs in hidden locations, or moved around more to appear as part of ordinary pedestrian traffic. Bureau of Justice Statistics, Such laws have had no measurable effect upon patterns of the use of heroin, cocaine, or crack. Generation, ethnic, and gender factors have a much more pronounced effect on drug consumption patterns Golub and Johnson, , Generational shifts away from heroin and crack have dramatically reduced markets and profitability of drug selling as a career for thousands of unemployed inner-city youths Johnson et al. Several articles have documented dramatic shifts in illicit drug preferences across generational cohorts of arrestees, briefly described here Golub and Johnson, , , , a , b , a , b , c ; Johnson et al. Heroin generation: In New York City, arrestees born from — were very likely to become heroin abusers, this cohort has remained as the major pool of heroin users and injectors to the current time. Arrestees born from — and after were much less likely to try or inject heroin. Crack generation: Arrestees born from —, tended to avoid heroin, but became and remain in those who preferred crack cocaine and cocaine smoking. A qualified yes! The generational change in youthful drug preference from crack to blunts marijuana also coincided with one of the most intensive crackdowns on drug sellers and users ever mounted. During the s to the current time, New York City has expanded the size of its police force, greatly improved its targeting and management of police resources, and expanded the number of offenses resulting in arrest—all to substantially reduce crime rates. Very substantial police resources were devoted to keeping guns and illegal drug sellers off the streets. This large and frequent police presence directed against street-level drug sellers has dramatically reduced the public visibility of selling. Almost all arrests result in detention or short stay in jail or similar penalty. Former locations with heavy street sales are carefully monitored by police and neighborhood organizations Johnson et al. The sales tactics of hard drug sellers have changed dramatically as a result. In the s, drug sellers on the streets and parks would approach almost all passersby to buy drugs. No longer!! Street sellers now keep a very low street profile and usually restrict sales to known purchasers. The determined heroin or crack user can still obtain the drug s of preference from a seller at a public location near their residence or hang outs. Sellers and buyers now systematically cooperate to conceal their illegal transactions from the citizenry and especially from undercover police. But the vast majority of arrestees in New York report that they purchase their heroin and crack in public locations and for lower prices than their counterparts in other U. NIJ, Gun controls are the best way to reduce the severity homicides or serious wounding of conflicts among drug distributors. Police policies targeting guns and gun carrying have reduced serious crimes robbery, homicide, and gun possession Blumstein and Wallman, Police policies target those carrying guns and suspected of drug sales. With probable cause, persons with suspicious bulges are stopped and search. Searches often turn up illegal drugs. If an arrest or legal violation occurs in New York City, police policy require officers to take into custody, detain, and arraign, and require courts to impose a minor disposition a fine or community service. Policies focused upon identifying and monitoring the behaviors of persistent misdemeanants will capture a majority of daily hard drug users Golub et al. Some of these persons also occasionally perform direct sales or low-level distribution roles. The larger society has effectively mandated that police are responsible for enforcing the moral standards of the majority no hard drug use or sale upon the minority who use these drugs and who routinely cooperate to evade these restrictions and police tactics. Prohibitionist drug laws are both difficult and expensive for police to enforce effectively. One police policy is to focus only upon high kilo- level dealers while ignoring the multitude of small time sellers. A related policy is not to expend any police resources to enforce prohibitionist policies. In the long run, unfortunately, nonenforcement of prohibitionist policies may create as many or more problems as does the enforcement. The illicit drug subculture, led by its sellers and dealers, has proven remarkably resilient and determined to continue business as usual. Sellers have been remarkably adept at locating and exploiting every weakness in law enforcement. This subculture thrives within a police policy of nonenforcement. Such nonenforcement against low-level street sellers was associated with thousands of highly visible street-level sellers in the s and s in New York Johnson et al. Due to fear of police corruption in New York, a police policy of nonenforcement directed at minor sellers existed for nearly two decades in the s and s. During that time, the heroin subculture and later the crack subculture developed an extensive network of street sellers, almost all of whom were regular consumers of these drugs. About —, thousands of unemployed minority youths in the city took to the streets and parks where they openly sold illegal drugs to all comers. Some streets became drug supermarkets with hundreds of sellers and buyers competing for business. Conflicts among sellers, competing distributor organizations, and an explosion of illegal gun ownership were associated with the highest levels of violent crime and homicide ever known outside of war conditions Blumstein and Wallman, Over the years, criminal justice practitioners have come to two conclusions regarding drug-involved offenders a majority of arrestees in New York and elsewhere :. The cycle of arrest, jail, prison, probation does little to deter the drug consumption and minor criminality of hard-drug-using offenders. Mandating various forms of drug user treatment, with enforced attendance, may be the optimal policy for reducing persistent selling or offending behavior. Drug selling and involvement in low-level distribution roles is one type of offending behavior upon which drug user treatment has an immediate and direct impact. This is a more substantial reduction than their use of these substances and often greater than their reductions in nondrug offending robbery, burglary, theft, and sex work. This is regardless of the appropriateness and quality of the treatment program entered Magura, Harm reduction approaches such as providing legal needles and condoms to injection drug users IDU may improve the health of individuals and reduce risk to their sexual partners—important ends to achieve in themselves Johnson et al. Almost no data suggests that such policies have a direct impact upon IDU involvements in drug distribution Natarajan and Hough, However, making methadone easily available to IDUs as a form of short-term e. It merits noting that New York City and other U. The international control policies adopted before and implemented after World War I have been dramatically successful in restricting access to a wide range of potentially dangerous pharmaceutical products morphine, other opiates, cocaine and its derivatives among them to medical channels. Much could be learned about whether and how a medical regulatory system might be able to undermine the illicit drug distribution system. American drug policy toward hard drug sellers and distributors represents the triumph of symbolic politics over policies that might provide modest improvements in reducing illicit drug distribution. The enforcement of prohibitionist policies that stress short-term punishments combined with treatment seem to be most effective in both the short and long run, and at least cost. If persons are found possessing and selling hard drugs, then making arrests, detaining offenders, and imposing nontrivial dispositions works as well as any other enforcement policy. Including mandatory drug user treatment with consistent follow-up has among the best outcomes. By contrast, enforcement policies as in New York , which stress prosecution of small sellers and low-level distributors, and setting very low quantities as indicators of felony sales, does not work as effectively. Such harsh policies means that many resources are diverted into court processes to coerce guilty pleas from a limited number of persons. The costs of incarcerating such persons for many years are very substantial and has no documented reductions in the illegal sale of drugs, in the price of such substances, nor improvements in the quality of living standards of the community. Brief scientific definitions of key terms and concepts are given in the body of the text. The research summarized herein relies upon several research projects funded between to the present by the National Institute of Drug Abuse and the National Institute of Justice in the United States. I especially thank my colleagues, Eloise Dunlap and Andrew Golub, as well as many other staff who conducted the research. They remain valued collaborators and coauthors of numerous articles and reports emerging from the work that informs this article. Bruce D. Johnson , Ph. He is a professional researcher having published five books and over articles based upon findings emerging from over 20 different federally funded research projects funded by the National Institute on Drug Abuse, National Institutes of Justice, Center for Substance Abuse Treatment, and the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation. A major research project in the s was specifically focused upon crack distribution and its use, but he has also studied patterns of selling of heroin and marijuana in earlier research. Current research efforts include drug abuse patterns among arrestees and criminals, the impact of police initiatives upon criminal behavior, estimate the number of hard drug users and operatives, new drug detection technologies, marijuana and blunts use and sale, and violence in drug-using households. As a library, NLM provides access to scientific literature. Subst Use Misuse. Published in final edited form as: Subst Use Misuse. Find articles by Bruce D Johnson. PMC Copyright notice. The publisher's version of this article is available at Subst Use Misuse. Similar articles. Add to Collections. Create a new collection. Add to an existing collection. Choose a collection Unable to load your collection due to an error Please try again. Add Cancel.

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