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Gingivitis and Periodontitis are two conditions that affect many people in the form of bleeding gums, tooth sensitivity and bad breath. While these terms are often used interchangeably, they represent distinct stages of gum disease with varying severity. Gingivitis is one of the earliest stages of gum disease. It primarily affects the gums and is characterised by inflammation and irritation. Some key features of Gingivitis include:. The good news is that you can manage Gingivitis with proper care and regular dentistry check-ups. However, if left untreated, Gingivitis can lead to Periodontitis, a more severe form of gum disease. Periodontitis is a more severe type of gum disease that, if neglected, can result in irreparable harm. It affects the gums, bone, and other tooth-supporting tissues. Here are some characteristics of Periodontitis:. Periodontitis is a severe condition that requires immediate attention from the dentist. Treatment for Periodontitis is more involved and may include deep cleaning, scaling and root planning, and even surgical procedures in advanced cases. The main cause of Gingivitis is the buildup of plaque, a bacterial film adhering to the teeth and gums. Poor oral hygiene is the most common cause. However, the chance of developing Gingivitis can be raised by several other elements, including smoking, hormonal changes such as those during pregnancy , certain medications, and underlying medical disorders. However, once the condition gets severe, you might notice some of these symptoms:. An important note is that Gingivitis can often be painless or cause only mild discomfort, leading people to overlook its seriousness. Periodontitis typically develops from untreated Gingivitis. This progression is usually driven by the same factors that cause Gingivitis, such as poor oral hygiene and smoking. However, genetic factors can also play a role in making some individuals more susceptible to Periodontitis. The symptoms are more severe, including forming pockets, receding gums, loose teeth, and potential pus discharge. If you experience any of the above symptoms, seek immediate dental care, as the damage caused by this dental problem is irreversible. Alpha Dental Clinic in Perth has emergency dental care , where our experienced dentists will take care of your urgent oral health needs with utmost professionalism and expertise. The treatment for Gingivitis is generally less invasive than that for Periodontitis. It primarily involves improving oral hygiene practices. Our dentists at Alpha Dental Clinic may recommend the following based on the severity of the problem:. With proper care and maintenance, Gingivitis can be completely cured. Periodontitis treatment is more complex and may require several visits to your dentist. Treatment options are:. Treatment for Periodontitis may not be able to reverse all the damage, but it can help manage the condition and prevent further deterioration. If you are looking for the best dentist in Perth, Alpha Dental is the top choice for comprehensive and exceptional dental care. Preventing both Gingivitis and Periodontitis starts with excellent oral hygiene practices:. Maintaining optimal dental health is a continuous process rather than a one-time approach. Gum diseases should never be left unattended. Using electric toothbrushes has proven highly effective in preventing the onset of Gingivitis and Periodontitis. Book your appointment with Alpha Dental Clinic if you suspect any gum diseases. Your teeth will thank you for it! Somebody essentially lend a hand to make significantly articles Id state That is the very first time I frequented your website page and up to now I surprised with the research you made to make this actual submit amazing Wonderful task. 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I learn something totally new and challenging on websites. Your email address will not be published. Previous post. Next post. Difference between Gingivitis and Periodontitis Gingivitis: Gingivitis is one of the earliest stages of gum disease. Some key features of Gingivitis include: Redness and Swelling: Infected gums become red, swollen, and tender to the touch. Bleeding Gums: One of the most common signs of Gingivitis is bleeding gums, especially during brushing or flossing. Bad Breath: Another sign is persistent poor breath or a sour taste in the mouth. Mild Discomfort: May experience mild discomfort or pain while chewing food. Periodontitis: Periodontitis is a more severe type of gum disease that, if neglected, can result in irreparable harm. Here are some characteristics of Periodontitis: Pocket Formation: As the infection progresses, pockets or spaces develop between the teeth and gums, which can trap bacteria and debris. Tooth Mobility: Teeth may become loose and start shifting out of position. Pus Formation: Sometimes, pus can develop around the teeth and gums. Bone Loss: The infection can lead to significant bone loss, potentially causing tooth loss. Reasons and Symptoms Gingivitis: The main cause of Gingivitis is the buildup of plaque, a bacterial film adhering to the teeth and gums. However, once the condition gets severe, you might notice some of these symptoms: Redness Swelling Bleeding gums and bad breath. Periodontitis: Periodontitis typically develops from untreated Gingivitis. Treatment Gingivitis: The treatment for Gingivitis is generally less invasive than that for Periodontitis. Our dentists at Alpha Dental Clinic may recommend the following based on the severity of the problem: Professional Cleaning: Removing plaque and tartar buildup through a professional dental cleaning is crucial. Improved Home Care: Brushing and flossing regularly and correctly. Antiseptic Mouthwash: Using an antiseptic mouthwash to reduce bacteria. Regular Dental Check-ups: Visit our dental clinic in Perth for routine check-ups and cleanings. Periodontitis: Periodontitis treatment is more complex and may require several visits to your dentist. Treatment options are: Scaling and root planning: a complete cleaning to remove tartar and plaque from the tooth roots. Medications: Antibiotics or antimicrobial mouth rinses to reduce infection. Surgery: In advanced cases, surgical procedures may be necessary to repair damaged tissue or regenerate bone. Lifestyle Changes: Quitting smoking and maintaining a stringent oral hygiene routine. Prevention Techniques Preventing both Gingivitis and Periodontitis starts with excellent oral hygiene practices: Use fluoride toothpaste and brush twice for two minutes. Flossing helps eliminate plaque and trapped food particles between your teeth. Visit your dentist for regular check-ups and thorough cleanings at least twice a year. 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20 years of Portuguese drug policy - developments, challenges and the quest for human rights
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Metrics details. Portugal decriminalized the public and private use, acquisition, and possession of all drugs in ; adopting an approach focused on public health rather than public-order priorities. Arguing that the Portuguese Drug Policy Model has not proven influential enough to emancipate drug use from the stigma that associates it either with crime or pathology, this article critically discusses the developments and current challenges the Portuguese drug policy confronts, namely the growing diversity of drug use patterns observed in Portugal as well as in Europe. To this end, international and national legal instruments concerning drugs and official local data were analysed. Despite encouraging results, conclusions indicate that these policies are marked by contradictions and ambiguities that have permeated its history since the very beginning, and modest ambitions, particularly regarding the implementation of harm reduction measures. The last decade saw an increase of punitiveness targeted at drug users, including criminal sentences of jail terms. We finish with some suggestions that could be employed in the practical application of drug policy. Manichean creeds have long dominated the ideology behind drug policy. Despite the widespread advocacy for evidence-based policies \[ 1 \] and policies encompassing human rights \[ 2 \], those creeds conveyed drug use as an exceptionally dangerous behaviour, maintaining till the present day the goal of a drug-free society \[ 3 \]. Yet, the decriminalization movement seems to be increasingly appealing around the globe \[ 4 \]. The distinction between soft and hard drugs was abolished \[ 5 \]. Drug use became an administratively sanctionable misdemeanor, but not a crime, and was placed under the jurisdiction of the Commissions for the Dissuasion of Drug Addiction, created by the Decree-Law n. The PDPM is in line with the belief that the War on Drugs has failed, thus pledging to guarantee greater respect for the rights of people who use drugs; and it is also consonant with the wider European and global trends toward policies that lessen drug use penalties \[ 6 \]. This paradigm shift, which moved the solution to drug use from the public order to the public health domain - hence differentiating between the user and the dealer, the former seen as an ill person in need of care, and the second as a delinquent - has fueled intense national and international academic debate and stirred antagonistic discourse, sometimes presented as a success \[e. As Laqueur \[ 10 \] puts it, the Portuguese decriminalization experience became a kind of screen onto which drug policy agendas are projected. Generally speaking, the PDPM is internationally recognized for its humanistic and pragmatic character and as exemplary of a participatory process \[ 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 \], although with varying degrees of consensus \[see \[ 16 \]\]. Most analyses about the Portuguese case tend to focus on the encouraging results Footnote 1 regarding drug use prevalence, which stayed reasonably low when compared to other European countries \[ 19 \], including those that criminalize drug use; the drop of infectious diseases rates, high in \[ 21 \], as well the decline of the equally high incarceration rates for drug-related offenses \[ 22 , 23 \]. These tendencies cannot be, however, linearly related with the decriminalization law per se, as Laqueur 10 and Quintas \[ 24 \] have shown. Paradoxically, the last decade has seen a sharp increase of criminal sanctions targeted at drug users, including some with jail terms \[ 25 , 26 , 27 \]. Indeed, prohibitionism has not been discarded. Portugal is a signatory of United Nations Drug Conventions and, despite its efforts to inscribe drug policy within the scope of human rights, it does so within conservative lines, specifically those informed by the right to equal access to health and to non-discriminatory treatment before justice. The debate that frames drug use under the light of the right to privacy and to individual freedom, the right to cognitive freedom; or the right to use drugs, as Van Ree \[ 28 \] proposed, is peripheral. Similarly, alternative discourses have played an almost marginal role in the Portuguese academic debate; namely those that, recommending a drug-set-setting triad for understanding the phenomenon \[ 29 \], paved the way for a conception of drug use based on hedonistic motivations, pleasure-seeking, mind-expansion or inner exploration. Historically contextualizing the emergence of the PDPM, this article critically discusses the major developments and current challenges that Portuguese drug policy confronts in the face of the growing diversity of drug use patterns observed in Portugal. Some of these challenges include 1 the apparent paradox of Portugal having decriminalized the use of drugs and yet registering a sharp increase of punitiveness targeted at drug users over the past decade; 2 the ambiguities and anachronisms that permeate the practices of the Commissions for the Dissuasion of Drug Addiction; 3 and the hesitations regarding the implementation of harm reduction measures, some foreseen in the law since To this end, the following documents were analysed: 1 the three main United Nations Drug Conventions texts , , , which constitute the international legal instruments on drugs; 2 the main local legislation on drugs; and 3 the data collected by the General Directorate for Intervention on Addictive Behaviours and Dependencies SICAD regarding the drug use situation in Portugal. Three time-frames assume special relevance: 1 between and , in which the production of local legislation was often pervaded by an ambivalence between punishing or supporting drug users; 2 between and , in which the crime of drug use disappeared from the Portuguese legal landscape; 3 since , when the crime of drug use has been re-established by the Supreme Court judgment n. The main argument developed is that the PDPM has not proven influential enough to emancipate drug use from the stigma that associates it with either crime or pathology, where it is kept captive. We finish with some suggestions to be applied in practice. Portugal joined the War on Drugs in the seventies, even though drug use was not, at the time, a relevant social problem in the country, nor did the legislator distinguish, until then, between drug use and drug dealing. The utopia of a drug-free society, in Portugal and elsewhere, has been sustained by conservative discourses coined in the sphere of law political-legal discourses and in the sphere of health medical-psychological discourses which, operating as vehicles of social control, converge in the understanding of drug use as a deviation in relation to the norm, whether in legal crime or health terms pathology. Meanwhile, the harm reduction movement has challenged global prohibitionism \[ 30 \] and establishes itself, at least potentially, as a motor of social transformation. The liberation of the drug use phenomenon from the War on Drugs paradigm \[ 31 \] seems to be at the core of the double HR - harm reduction and human rights see Soares et al. The latter, distant from the activism that originally opposed prohibitionism, unfolds the historic tension between health priorities and profound political change regarding drug use \[ 34 \], which is also found, as we shall see, in the challenges the PDPM faces. At the time, the law emphasized the immorality of drugs and the lack of criminal liability of the user, based upon an exclusively public security perspective to the detriment of health, which was not in line with that convention. Not much later, the Decree-Law n. Main Portuguese legal diplomas on drugs. From: Timeline designed by the authors. Cited legal instruments: Decree-law n. Ministry of Justice; Decree-law n. Ministry of Justice and Health; Decree-law n. Ministry of Justice; Law n. Following the increase in cannabis use and the emergence of heroin - dynamics that took shape after the end of the dictatorship period \[ 7 \] in - the Decree-Law n. Change took place under the auspices of the Convention on Psychotropic Substances , which encouraged the treatment and reintegration of users. However, considering drug phenomena as the plague of our days , it proposed for trafficking counter-measures similar to those used against terrorist organizations , which meant the aggravation of penalties, including provision of new means of obtaining evidence, and the unequivocal criminalization of drug use \[ 35 \]. The user came to be perceived as captive of either the determinism of crime or of the determinism of pathology \[ 36 \], in a scheme that Costa \[ 25 \] calls the mixed medical-criminal system - a combination of repressive measures with those of a medical character; resulting in a double stigma that persists, with some variants, to the present day \[ 37 \]. The Decree-Law n. Still partially in force, it is perhaps the most ambiguous legislation in the Portuguese drug policy panorama. The penal regime of drug use, globally considered, was aggravated \[ 25 \]: besides the acquisition and the possession for personal use, the use and the cultivation for personal use are also dealt with; jail terms of up to 3 months remained similar to the previous Decree-Law, but where the amounts apprehended exceed those required for 5 days - and here lies much of the novelty - jail time is extended to 1 year. It is not surprising to find that, although the user was, as early as , sanctioned by the law almost quasi-symbolically Decree-Law n. This tendency was observed until , when - once decriminalization came into force - crimes against property were again in the top spot \[ 39 \], as they remain nowadays. Footnote 2. Not free from ambivalence, the Portuguese drug policies have made their way from public order to public health domains while, nevertheless, mixing the two concerns. The theme was dealt with as something that disturbs the social order, establishing itself as a commonplace both in the popular imagination and in the political and media agenda. Meanwhile, the medical-psychological model, militating toward abstinence as the sole legitimate therapeutic goal and focusing on the most troublesome side of the phenomenon, found expression in the design of policies that feed the image of the drug user as someone susceptible to compulsive treatment. Paternalistically, the Decree-Law n. The progressive transformation of the status of the user answers old quests, such as the American Psychiatric Association one, which included, in , addictive behaviours in the list of mental illnesses; or the UN Convention that endorsed treatment and reintegration as an appropriate response instead of punishment. At the end of the nineties, the vulnerability of high-risk users raised concerns among the broader society - for example, the HIV epidemic was exploding \[ 12 \] - and legislative change was imperative. The PDPM is inextricable from its socio-historical background. Contrary to what has been observed in other countries - where the discussion about decriminalization has been linked to the increasing prevalence of cannabis use and to a certain normalization of its use among youth \[ 18 \] - in Portugal, the political debate was driven by the concern about the psychosocial vulnerability of high-risk users, whose long trajectories on drugs have made evident the signs of stigma and social exclusion. Problematic heroin use was the second highest in Europe in \[ 41 \] and, although it has been losing its relevance, Portugal remains among the countries with a higher ratio of high-risk opioid use 5,2 per of the adult population in \[ 19 \]. This circumstance engendered a complex challenge - that of devising policies that had a social and human side capable of responding to the situation of exclusion in which drug users found themselves. This might justify the fact that the decriminalization law is based on a dichotomous classification of drug users - dependents and non-dependents - which, already formulated in the Decree-Law n. Among the main outcomes lies the significant increase of the number of drug users who are encompassed by the system, which is not necessarily a surprise: from an average of 1. Still, it sharply contrasts with what has been observed in California, where a decrease in cannabis detections and referrals was registered after the Moscone Act, which turned small quantity possession of cannabis into a misdemeanour sanctionable by a fine \[ 43 \]. But the virtues of the PDPM do not only rely on the decriminalization law per se, but on the set of devices forged and implemented in the meantime. Alongside the legislative changes, it became evident that there was a need to develop more specialized and autonomous coordination mechanisms, namely the Commissions for the Dissuasion of Drug Addiction, responsible for implementing administrative sanctions, and harm reduction structures, lacking at that time. Footnote 3. By isolating law enforcement from the operationalization of measures outside the criminal arena, the security inclination that so often characterizes drug policies should be obliterated; thus, distinguishing the Portuguese case from others, such as Spain or Italy, which had adopted earlier the administrative approach to sanction drug use \[ 25 , 45 \]. Police forces are expected to remain the primary source of detection of drug use and subsequent referral. Footnote 4. Its main goal is encouraging adherence to treatment, or the decision to abstain from drug use Decree-Law n. Moreover, while referral to health structures is optional, physically presenting oneself before the Commissions is mandatory for those who are caught using drugs. This circumstance is somehow contradictory to the mainstream perspective, which frames drug use in the health sphere, where consent is pivotal. This is the position, for instance, recommended by the Mental Health Law Law n. Divergent from the initial intuition, perhaps fed by the images of drug users in extreme situations of social exclusion, dominant in the end of the twentieth century, it quickly became apparent that the vast majority of the clients of the Commissions were and are cannabis users classified as non-dependents. The reason behind this circumstance is that cannabis is the most widely used illegal drug \[ 49 \], in Portugal and elsewhere, its use is socially widespread, and it occurs mostly on the street and in public spaces during leisure time \[ 50 \]. Overlooking the diversification of drug use patterns, the dependent or non-dependent dichotomy proposed by Law n. Certainly the PDPM facet that has raised the most opposition, harm reduction policies expanded as a direct result of the decriminalization law. Throughout its short history, from clandestinity to political legitimacy, it went through an experimental phase — in which programs e. The initial goal was the access to hard-to-reach heroin and crack-cocaine users who resisted the traditional socio-health approaches based on pathology \[ 44 \]. Others worth mentioning are the absence of needle and syringe programmes in prison contexts; or the absence of naloxone prescription for outpatient use, either among outreach teams or peers, since it remains exclusive to hospitals and medical emergency services. Footnote 7. Despite the fact that the vast majority of drug users are non-problematic, services are, with some notable exceptions, mainly focused on opioid substitution treatment partially serving purposes related with public order and on needle and syringe exchange with public health preoccupations underneath , thus configuring the weak version of harm reduction: the one that advocates mainly health rights, as opposed to its strong version , which fully recognizes the right to use drugs \[ 33 \]. The implementation of solely uncontroversial measures has allowed the maintenance of the status quo. Despite being humanistic and pragmatic on the ground, political hesitation in this sphere works in compliance with the War on Drugs. In , the Supreme Court of Justice took the position, by judgment n. These quantities are defined by the ordinance Law n. A number of factors contributed to this situation. In , and contrary to what has happened with drug use, Law n. This last category regards those situations where the individual has the ultimate aim to get substances for personal use that do not exceed the quantities for a medium use of up to five days. Footnote 8. Moreover, the Decree-Law n. Differing from what happened with the decriminalization law, no quantitative limit was established for the purpose of distinguishing between the two behaviours. Law n. However, it does not provide any legal sanctions for those who, as drug users, hold larger amounts. This gave rise to a perturbing possibility: users with less than permitted quantities were sanctioned, even if not criminally; other users, with quantities exceeding those established, would not suffer any sanction, since these sanctions escape the direct provision of the law regarding the difficulty to categorize certain cases, see Domoslawski \[ 12 \]. Later, in , the Constitutional Court did not consider the interpretation of the Supreme Court of Justice unconstitutional and validated its position judgment n. Although not fully binding, judgement n. This position has been seen as polemical \[ 24 \] even among renowned judges, who were persuaded that the Supreme Court action is contrary to the spirit of the decriminalization law \[ 25 \]. It should also be underlined that it is not the quantity that serves to distinguish between use and trafficking. The Portuguese system is a model guided by threshold values only to differentiate between types of use ones that should be considered a crime or a misdemeanour , and avoiding the hazards associated with the introduction of metrics that, in general, generate more punitive systems \[ 26 \]. Paradoxically, despite having decriminalized the use of all illegal drugs, Portugal has an increasing number of people criminally sanctioned - some with prison terms - for drug use \[ 25 , 26 , 27 \]. After Fig. Moreover, between and , while convictions for the crime of drug use saw an increase, convictions for drug dealing, including the dealer-user category, registered a decrease \[ 27 \]. Convicted individuals for drug use, by type of penalty. Remarkably, there is no information available for the crime of drug use. The increase of punitive responses raises the question of what happened in Portugal during the last decade and what is the actual role played by the Supreme Court judgment of Administrative sanctions i. In , compared to previous years, there is evidence of a higher weight of punitive decisions, although the proportion of suspended sentences, punitive sentences and acquittal have remained relatively stable over the past four years \[ 27 \]. Portuguese drug policy has been, since , under great scrutiny, due to the decriminalization approach. Yet, it appears that the PDPM has not proven influential enough to emancipate drug use from the stigma that associates it with either crime or pathology, where it is somehow captive. The analysis carried out allows the conclusion that the PDPM is marked by anachronisms, ambiguity and modest ambition - which reveals the remnants of arguments that see drug use through the lenses of transgression, whether in legal or health terms. These findings lead us to the following final arguments. Since , there has been an increase of criminal sanctions for drug use. A tenacious dilemma - punishment or support? The long-lasting tension between the will to criminalize drug use and comply with United Nations conventions and the aspiration to support drug users has been shown since the very beginning by Portuguese legislation. That tension appears to be heightened as the enthusiasm of the decriminalization law faded away and its execution has been eroded by time or routine. The reestablishment of the crime of drug use - that recaptures drug use in the criminal scope - had blurred the innovative features of the PDPM, standing out, not only as an example of the ambivalence that marks the history of Portuguese drug policy, but perhaps as its most serious setback, putting drug users at risk of criminal sanctions. In this sense, it seems that the legislator - keeping, first, the spirit of the decriminalization law and, second, adopting an evidence-based orientation - should return proven cases of drug use to the Commissions, the body under which this behaviour was initially placed, assuring that drug use stays, as originally, an administratively sanctionable misdemeanor, but not a crime. Adequate and tailored sanctions for these cases, that might foresee an update of the old ordinance Law n. Notwithstanding the fact that Commissions might constitute the most original feature of the PDPM, the drug use landscape is marked by an ever-increasing heterogeneity of drug use patterns \[ 22 \] for which the binary categorization employed, that of dependent and non-dependent users, is inappropriate. These transformations include the progressive substitution of compulsive consumption behaviours that are being replaced by self-care \[ 55 \] and the diversification and multiplicity of drug uses \[ 56 \], in which non-problematic ones are the vast majority, and in which hedonistic motivations assume a central role \[ 57 \]. Furthermore, considering that consent and self-determination are crucial aspects of any intervention in the health realm, we endorse that appearance before the Commissions, instead of being mandatory, should be conditional on the consent of the individual, even if administrative sanctions are still to apply. The decision to undergo any type of diagnosis, clinical evaluation or therapeutic intervention is up to the citizen, within the scope of their rights, freedoms, and guarantees - as is recognized by, for example, the Law of Mental Health. Were it otherwise, it would create a regime of exception within the scope of the response to drug use. Footnote Thirdly, regarding harm reduction policies, it might be observed that these are somehow still oscillating between the concerns that make justice and health priorities. This mirrors how the notion of drug use as something in the pathological scope is well assimilated by Portuguese society and political affairs. Controversy and political opposition, and perhaps social reluctance, seem to arise when harm reduction policies go beyond pathology and highlight issues related to the well-being and the agency of the drug user. Good examples of measures which provoke such pushback whose implementation we nevertheless highly recommend include, for instance, the resistance to implementing drug checking services, crucial to assisting informed choices on drug use. Or the failure to provide naloxone outside medical settings, which, though addressing pathology, would imply transferring powers from the hands of doctors to the hands of the individual. Other recommended programmes in need of implementation include needle and syringe programmes in prison contexts and, in line with the sociocultural transformation of drug use, tailored programmes aimed at poly-drug use, the most common consumption pattern \[ 58 \]; and gender-sensitive programs, which are virtually nonexistent. Following Portuguese sociocultural transformation and the diversification of drug use patterns, observed later in Portugal, but somehow identical to main European trends, drug use is escaping its label as something that unfolds at the margins of society. Besides the focus on the normalization of the use of certain illegal drugs and on recreational uses \[ 59 \], research has addressed patterns of use that are defined as functional \[ 60 \], non-dependent \[ 61 \], religious \[ 62 \], healthy \[ 63 \], socially-integrated \[ 64 \] and non-problematic \[ 57 , 65 \]. These data gather momentum to advocate for the need to consolidate the on-going paradigm shift, namely by strengthening the notions of health that are broad enough to consider well-being and not solely pathology, which obviously is a poor concept when it comes to empowering and respecting the dignity of people who use drugs. As mentioned, such pathologizing serves to undermine the agency and self-determination of people who use drugs \[ 37 \]. Yet, the most ambitious challenge is to promote a debate that places the drug use phenomena in the Human Rights realm, thus favouring the respect for the principles of individual freedom and the right to an informed choice. The interplay between drug phenomena and human rights is far from linear see Bone \[ 2 \]. Different perspectives take shape in the debate, from conservative trenches as the right to equal access to health and justice to the right to use drugs for certain purposes - namely ritual-religious ones, these contemplated in the UN Conventions - or simply the right to use drugs \[ 66 \]. In line with the United Nation General Assembly Special Session Against Corruption \[ 67 \] - which emphasizes a comprehensive approach, but delimits it within the framework of the human rights of health and justice - the debate about the right to use drugs is nearly absent in the Portuguese political, social and academic panorama. On the contrary, and despite the seemingly innovative character of Portuguese drug policy, there have been numerous hesitations, namely with regard to the regulation of medical cannabis, which was approved by the Portuguese government in Law n. Meanwhile, three proposals one in , two in regarding the regulation of recreational use of cannabis took place in the Portuguese parliament, most of them triggered by civil society organizations, and all unsuccessful. These hesitations do not match the progressive transformation of drug use patterns, local and global, nor the several challenges, coming from different quadrants, posed to the War on Drug s , within what some call the transformational movement \[ 46 \]. Opposition to punitive drug policies keeps growing \[ 30 \]. Finally, casting drugs as malevolent agents that allow classifying users as bad or sick or both \[ 31 \] became a fabrication that eases the stigmatization of users and human rights violations \[ 31 \]. A non-paternalistic mid-term view, that broadens the scope of public health to include, for instance, the right to an informed choice and the right to risk taking behaviour - despite the controversial degree of control that individuals might exert over their bodies \[ 33 \] - might offer a possibility. The opportunity is taking shape. It is expected that the regulation of recreational use of cannabis will be soon brought again to public debate. Attributable, at least partially, to the many anachronisms, ambiguities and hesitations described above and, specially, to the reestablishment of the crime of drug use, the last decade has seen a clear increase of punitiveness targeted at drug users, which is not, we believe, in line with the decriminalization law neither with the set of devices forged and implemented alongside the legislative changes. Positive results include a reduction in mortality and infections associated with dependent behaviour and, among youth, a reduction in the prevalence of recent cannabis use, a postponement of the age of initiation and an increase in perceptions of related-risks \[ 17 \]. Overall, one might observe a reasonably low level of drug use when compared with most European countries \[ 19 \], which contrasts to what was witnessed at the end of the last century, a period marked by social and political alarm around drug phenomena. Consonant, social representations are now quite distinct from those that dominated the country earlier and which understood drug use as a serious social problem \[e. Note that the decriminalization law has no impact on incarceration for drug trafficking, since this behavior is regulated by Decree-Law n. These tendencies might indicate either a change in law enforcement priorities, since law enforcement enjoys a certain discretionary power \[ 38 \]; different sentencing practices \[ 10 , 26 \] or a combination of both. This decision was contradicted 4 years later, in , when the institute was extinguished and SICAD was established in its place, which meant that the operationalization of interventions in drug behaviours was delegated to the Regional Health Administrations \[ 44 \]. This change, based on criteria of efficiency and administrative rationality, reinforced intervention on drugs in the health realm, giving less emphasis to a social and human rights approach. Spain and Italy show crucial differences when compared to Portugal. In Spain, use or possession for use, when in a public space, constitutes a serious infraction, framed in the Ley de Seguridad Ciudadana i. This circumstance does not exclude the fact that the normalization of cannabis use is more vigorous in Spain \[ 47 \] - where Cannabis Social Clubs were formed - than in Portugal, a trend that has not been followed by political and legal normalization, since the Supreme Court of Justice has sentenced elements of those clubs with prison sentences, even if lightweight \[ 38 \]. In Italy, drug use sanctions - of essentially a security nature - fall within the competence of the prefetto \[ 48 \]. There are two exceptions to mention: Check-! Exceptions made for one Drug Consumption Room operating since May , and one mobile unit operating since April , both in Lisbon. In , a Needle and Syringe pilot-project ran in the Portuguese prisons for 6 months, but was not used by a single prisoner, see Sander et al. When a person required to appear before the Commissions fails, in fact, to appear, it is common practice to apply the most minor of sanctions, depending on the substance in question. Towards good governance in drug policy: evidence, stakeholders and politics. Int J Drug Policy. Article PubMed Google Scholar. Bone M. Human rights and drug control. London: Routledge; Google Scholar. Outcome document of the United Nations general assembly special session on the world drug problem. Our joint commitment to effectively addressing and countering the world drug problem. New York: United Nations publications; A quiet revolution: drug decriminalisation across the globe. Quintas J. Porto: Fronteira do Caos; Selected issue: Towards a better understanding of drug-related public expenditure in Europe. Accessed 10 mar Cabral T. The 15th anniversary of the Portuguese drug policy: its history, its success and its future. Drug Sci Policy Law ;3 0 :1—5. Greenwald G. Drug decriminalization in Portugal: lessons for creating fair and successful drug policies. Accessed 20 Feb Coelho M. Drugs: the Portuguese fallacy and the absurd medicalization of Europe. Article Google Scholar. Laqueur H. Uses and abuses of drug decriminalization in Portugal. Law Soc Inq. Agra C. Drug policy in Portugal: the benefits of decriminalizing drug use. Warsaw: Open Society Foundations; Hughes C. Portuguese drug policy. In: Colson R, Bergeron H, editors. European drug policies: the ways of reform. Chapter Google Scholar. Hughes C, Stevens A. What can we learn from the Portuguese decriminalization of illicit drugs? Br J Criminol. Woods J. A decade after drug decriminalization: what can the United States learn from the Portuguese model? Univ District Columbia Law Rev. 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Despite under the leadership of the corresponding author, all authors contributed equally to the production of the manuscript. The author s read and approved the final manuscript. All authors declare that there are no financial relationships with any organisations that might have an interest in the submitted work; there are no other relationships or activities that could appear to have influenced the submitted work. Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. The images or other third party material in this article are included in the article's Creative Commons licence, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material is not included in the article's Creative Commons licence and your intended use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder. Reprints and permissions. Subst Abuse Treat Prev Policy 16 , 59 Download citation. Accepted : 22 June Published : 17 July Anyone you share the following link with will be able to read this content:. Sorry, a shareable link is not currently available for this article. Provided by the Springer Nature SharedIt content-sharing initiative. Skip to main content. Search all BMC articles Search. Download PDF. Download ePub. Abstract Portugal decriminalized the public and private use, acquisition, and possession of all drugs in ; adopting an approach focused on public health rather than public-order priorities. Background Manichean creeds have long dominated the ideology behind drug policy. Oscillating between public order and public health — Portugal joined the War on Drugs in the seventies, even though drug use was not, at the time, a relevant social problem in the country, nor did the legislator distinguish, until then, between drug use and drug dealing. Full size image. The decriminalization law and the Portuguese drug policy model — The PDPM is inextricable from its socio-historical background. Footnote 3 Commissions for the dissuasion of drug addiction The Commissions - under the responsibility of the Ministry of Health - may represent the most groundbreaking feature of the PDPM. Harm reduction Certainly the PDPM facet that has raised the most opposition, harm reduction policies expanded as a direct result of the decriminalization law. Footnote 7 Despite the fact that the vast majority of drug users are non-problematic, services are, with some notable exceptions, mainly focused on opioid substitution treatment partially serving purposes related with public order and on needle and syringe exchange with public health preoccupations underneath , thus configuring the weak version of harm reduction: the one that advocates mainly health rights, as opposed to its strong version , which fully recognizes the right to use drugs \[ 33 \]. Conclusions Portuguese drug policy has been, since , under great scrutiny, due to the decriminalization approach. Implications for practice Since , there has been an increase of criminal sanctions for drug use. Footnote 10 Thirdly, regarding harm reduction policies, it might be observed that these are somehow still oscillating between the concerns that make justice and health priorities. The quest for human rights Following Portuguese sociocultural transformation and the diversification of drug use patterns, observed later in Portugal, but somehow identical to main European trends, drug use is escaping its label as something that unfolds at the margins of society. Availability of data and materials In references. Notes Positive results include a reduction in mortality and infections associated with dependent behaviour and, among youth, a reduction in the prevalence of recent cannabis use, a postponement of the age of initiation and an increase in perceptions of related-risks \[ 17 \]. Google Scholar Quintas J. Accessed 10 mar Google Scholar Cabral T. Article Google Scholar Laqueur H. Article Google Scholar Agra C. Google Scholar Hughes C. Article Google Scholar Woods J. Google Scholar Costa E. Article Google Scholar Zinberg N. Google Scholar Levine H. Article Google Scholar Tupper K. Article Google Scholar Hunt N. Article Google Scholar Roe G. Google Scholar Agra C. Google Scholar Anjos P. Article Google Scholar Barbosa J. Google Scholar Fonseca C. Google Scholar Cruz O. Article Google Scholar Pavarin R. Article Google Scholar Bandow D. Google Scholar Szasz T. Google Scholar Download references. Funding Not applicable. View author publications. Ethics declarations Consent to publication Not applicable. Ethics approval and consent to participate Not applicable. Competing interests All authors declare that there are no financial relationships with any organisations that might have an interest in the submitted work; there are no other relationships or activities that could appear to have influenced the submitted work. About this article. Copy to clipboard. Contact us General enquiries: journalsubmissions springernature.
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