Buying Ecstasy Dominican Republic

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Buying Ecstasy Dominican Republic

It used to be that the Colombians had the entire cocaine trafficking route pretty well sewn up. From the jungles to the streets of U. Vast amounts of coke swept in through South Miami, one of the primary channels used by the Colombians in the s. But interdiction efforts began to clamp down on Colombian operations. The Colombian drug cartels began to hand off much of the transport and sales of their drugs to other groups. As some of the Atlantic sea lanes that had previously been used by Colombia go-fast boats were under heavy surveillance, the Mexican drug traffickers picked up much of the burden of transport and conveyed the drugs across overland routes or along the Eastern Pacific. But the Caribbean presented another viable alternative. Heavy tourist traffic meant lots of ships and planes and a wide variety of nationalities always coming and going. An abundance of banking institutions meant plenty of ways to launder money. As the Caribbean channel opened up, criminals in the Dominican Republic found they could establish a very beneficial relationship with their Colombian counterparts. As the relationship grew cozier, more cocaine began to make its way from Colombia to the Dominican Republic and on to the U. In addition, the Dominican government found in that the majority of drugs entering the country were coming in by land—from Haiti. The cargoes would then move on to other areas by sea or air. An advantage owned by the Dominican criminal organizations was that there were already hundreds of thousands of their kinsmen in the states, particularly in large Eastern cities such as New York and Washington, DC. Gradually, Dominican gangs began to establish control over drug distribution in cities such as these plus Allentown and Reading, Pennsylvania and New Haven, Connecticut. In all, 54 East U. Cocaine destined for the U. When other Caribbean ports got too hot, meaning there was too much successful interdiction, the Dominican Republic could be used as a layover point to throw off law enforcement looking for people coming directly from Venezuela, Aruba or Suriname. Dominicans are frequently among those arrested for trying to smuggle drugs into Spain. In fact, Dominican drug traffickers have grown in importance on this European channel in recent years, and in numbers arrested are second only Spanish citizens. Dominicans are also known to be allied with other Latin American crime organizations working the containerized cargo line for cocaine transport into Italy. While the Caribbean has long been a major conduit for cocaine coming into the U. Drug-related murders have risen dramatically, now far exceeding the level of drug-related deaths in Mexico. Marijuana is the most frequently abused drug and Ecstasy is heavily trafficked in the country. Gang activity is widespread in Dominican urban areas. Gang leaders know that children under 13 will not be kept in jail if they are arrested, so young children are threatened and bullied into alliances with gangs and drug traffickers. Increasingly, these children are used to commit crimes in the drug trade, including murder. As the economy suffers in the Dominican Republic, drug treatment programs take a back seat to simple basics such as food, shelter, and education for the citizens. In this situation, helping young people avoid the beginning of a drug habit is usually the most practical place to start. The drug education curriculum of Narconon has been proven to steer young people away from drug use and can be learned and taught in any language. For Spanish speaking individuals who are seeking rehabilitation, there are a number of Narconon centers available in Central and South America. When young people stay away from drugs, drug addiction, and trafficking, an entire culture can begin to heal as these youth grow into adults. Drug Information Local Drug Information. Sign up free to receive our email newsletter: Email. Ron Hubbard. Language: English US. All Rights Reserved. Narconon and the Narconon logo are trademarks and service marks owned by the Association for Better Living and Education International and are used with its permission.

Internet Drug Ring Tricked Buyers With Fake and Deadly Pills, U.S. Says

Buying Ecstasy Dominican Republic

Drug trafficking, especially cocaine trafficking, from source countries in South America to Europe has produced alarming and lasting effects on both sides of the Atlantic. While various trafficking routes to Europe exist, transshipment through the Caribbean, including through the European territories in the region, is of growing concern. In Europe, the expanding cocaine market has brought a rise in homicides, kidnappings, and intimidation. In the city of Antwerp, for example, there were around drug-related violent incidents in the past five years as competing gangs fought over control of territory. In the Caribbean, drug trafficking by organized crime has been associated with record homicide levels , corruption , democratic backsliding , and money laundering , among other pernicious effects. It has also prompted wars between gangs over the control of criminal economies, expanded illegal firearms trafficking, and exacerbated human trafficking both within the region and beyond. Shedding light on the complexity of the issue—while providing policy recommendations for increased cooperation between the United States, Europe, and Caribbean countries—is necessary as both continents seek regional and extra-regional security. The United States had been the de facto market for cocaine originating from South America—mainly from Colombia, Bolivia, and Peru—since its popularization in the sixties. A decline in U. According to the UN Office on Drugs and Crime UNODC , the global area used for coca bush cultivation in South America remained consistent in at around , hectares , acres , but from to , cocaine use in the United States fell from to tons of cocaine. Facing lower demand in the United States, criminal groups in South America sought other markets around the world, with Europe the most profitable among them. Many factors contributed to the emergence of Europe as a sizable importer of cocaine, but among the most indisputable factors are higher prices, low interdiction rates, and minor legal penalties for possession and consumption. The price of cocaine has fluctuated as criminal networks diversified the cocaine market in Europe. While cocaine imports initially involved criminal groups in Europe cooperating with cartels in Mexico, European criminal organizations eventually moved higher in the supply chain to guarantee their access to cocaine. The diversification in trafficking groups, primarily heightened by market competition, has dramatically lowered the price of cocaine and increased its availability to unprecedented levels, but prices remain higher in Europe than in the United States. Lower prices are expected to remain stable in the upcoming years, since there is evidence that these groups are moving cocaine production to mainland Europe after importing the base from Latin American countries. Low interdiction levels in Europe further provide traffickers the opportunity to introduce more cocaine for distribution throughout the continent. For comparison, since the s, the United States has devoted large budgets to tackle the supply side of cocaine flow. According to the U. Lastly, penalties for cocaine use and distribution are more relaxed in European countries than in the United States. In the top countries driving demand for cocaine—Austria, Ireland, Croatia, the Netherlands, and Spain—the legal penalties for consuming or distributing drugs are very low. The penalties for possession range from small fines to up to 12 months in prison. This allows criminal groups to operate more freely. For example, in Rotterdam, one of the main entry points for cocaine into Europe, the Dutch police report that the youth working to extract drugs from ship containers typically carry cash to pay the fine on the spot. Though transporting cocaine across the Atlantic presents additional challenges, the prospects of larger economic gains, combined with lower interdiction rates and legal penalties, presents an opportunity for traffickers looking for higher profits and lower risks. And while traditional drug trafficking routes have involved direct shipments from Colombia and Ecuador, criminal groups have now identified a region with low interdiction capacity and a direct line to Europe: the Caribbean. The Caribbean emerged as an attractive transshipment point due to weak governance , corruption , and small law enforcement and interdiction capacity , as well as the existence of European territories there. When comparing the total amounts of cocaine seized per region, the Caribbean accounts for only 1 percent of global seizures, standing in stark contrast to South America Yet there are two factors to consider when analyzing these figures. First, the flow of cocaine from South America to its destinations in Europe and the United States is rarely continuous. Facing stricter surveillance and interdiction efforts in airports and at sea ports in places such as Mexico and Colombia, drug traffickers are using not just main transit countries, but sometimes secondary ones, in order to reach their destinations—thereby making it harder to detect cocaine shipments, which are often concealed among large quantities of legitimate goods or within the structure of a container. Second, small seizure totals may reflect the low interdiction capacity of many of these island nations rather than low levels of cocaine being shipped through the Caribbean. As discussed below, a little more than half the cocaine seized in metropolitan France in came from its territories in the region. Among the countries that play a significant role in transshiping cocaine through the Caribbean are the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Suriname. The Dominican Republic, with a vibrant tourist industry of 5 million visitors a year and six container ports, offers endless opportunities for moving people, goods, and drugs. Cocaine, typically grown in Colombia, makes its way via land through Catatumbo, Vichada, and Guanina in Venezuela. Kitts and Nevis. In , authorities in the Dominican Republic seized over 27 tons of cocaine, compared to the 19 tons they seized in and the 10 tons seized in , demarking the increasing centrality of the Dominican Republic as a transshipment point. Haiti has been a transit country for the movement of cocaine since the s. However, recent instability in the country has made it more attractive to traffickers. Lastly, Suriname is one of the more prevalent countries of departure for cocaine confiscated by customs authorities in Western and Central Europe, right below Colombia and Paraguay; in , French authorities assessed Suriname as the most frequently detected departure country for cocaine reaching France. Cocaine typically leaves Suriname in human mules who are paid to carry the drugs either inside their bodies or on their persons. Drug traffickers also leave cocaine in waters near Suriname for a cargo vessel to pick up after it has already been loaded with a legitimate cargo and passed port inspection. European overseas territories—whether self-governing or forming an integral part of France, the Netherlands, or the United Kingdom—offer distinct advantages to drug smugglers over other parts of the Caribbean given that they have direct access by air or maritime routes to Europe, have extensive commercial and familial ties with the old continent, and in some cases are within the same customs and immigration regime as mainland Europe. Information on the place, quantity, and type of drugs seized and on the origin and destination of cargoes give indications of the main routes and modes of transport. However, traffickers adapt quickly to law enforcement action and shift their operations accordingly. European overseas territories—whether self-governing or forming an integral part of France, the Netherlands, or the United Kingdom—offer distinct advantages to drug smugglers over other parts of the Caribbean. According to the French Ministry of the Interior, over the past 10 years, cocaine seizures have increased fivefold in the country. In , In , 55 percent of cocaine seizures entering mainland France, or 14 tons, came from the French Antilles and French Guiana. Drug trafficking cases have become so endemic in French Guiana—especially on commercial aircraft—that they are affecting broad sectors of society. In , officials seized 1. In fact, departures from the airport to the mainland had an average of 10 to 30 individual mules on each flight, overwhelming police and customs officials. In response, authorities instituted a new policy of searching percent of all passengers and luggage as of October 21, , relying on extensive search powers granted under a law on the customs service. French legislators are now rushing to provide an alternative rewrite, as the current, now unconstitutional provision is the cornerstone of illicit-narcotics enforcement. Meanwhile, most of the cocaine from Guiana and the Antilles is sent to metropolitan France by maritime containers. Corrupt officials at both embarkation points in the French Caribbean and in ports in France—such as Dunkirk , Marseilles , and Le Havre —facilitate the shipment of cocaine, as revealed by several investigations following multiple seizures of hundreds of kilograms of cocaine leaving Martinique or the French Guianese port of Degrad des Cannes. Traffickers in neighboring Suriname are also anxious to ship their cargoes from French overseas territories in the Caribbean, as multiple seizures have shown. The largest intercepted amount was 2. In the Caribbean parts of the Netherlands , the Royal Dutch Navy intercepted a staggering amount of drugs in , with support from the U. Coast Guard. The same year, the HMS Friesland seized 3. The three ships confiscated a committed total of These seizures resulted from intercepting go-fast boats and occasionally fishing boats from Venezuela headed to Aruba. The ship was carrying 5 metric tons of cocaine believed to be destined for Europe. In waters near Montserrat, a Royal Navy ship carrying U. Coast Guard officials interdicted a Puerto Rico—bound boat that was carrying a cocaine shipment organized by Henry Carrillo-Ramirez, a Colombian national who pleaded guilty to drug trafficking in U. Carrillo had arranged for multiple cocaine shipments, sourced in Colombia, to be sent via Venezuela to Puerto Rico and the U. Over the past decade, container shipping has become the most common way to send drugs to Europe. Every year, over 98 million containers are shipped to Europe, only 10 percent of which originate in South America—and only 2 percent overall are inspected, making detection of illicit goods extremely challenging. Drugs can be packed into containers at various times during the sea voyage, including at the port of origin concealed within legitimate export items , near the port of origin, in transit at an intermediary stop or destination, or on the high seas. But other methods—including breaking into containers sealed by customs authorities, loading them with drugs, then reinstalling fake customs seals to conceal the tampering—have also become commonplace , especially for multi-ton shipments. Moving large quantities of cocaine in any of these ways requires a network of collaborators in Latin America, the Caribbean, and Europe: port workers, freight forwarders, shipping agents, importers, transport companies, customs officials, and boat owners and operators. Those who organize the extraction of drugs from containers at the final destination reportedly receive between 7 and 15 percent of the value of the illicit load. On the Caribbean end, there is a need to address deficiencies both in law enforcement and in port security. Kitts and Nevis, St. Lucia, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, Suriname, and Trinidad and Tobago. The report assessed the countries in 11 categories, including three that are particularly relevant for creating barriers to traffickers operating throughout the Caribbean, namely port security, interdiction capabilities, and intelligence gathering. There was no information on St. Vincent and the Grenadines. In January , Dominican anti-narcotics agents seized 1. In terms of patrol and interdiction capabilities, the 12 countries fared a little better. Kitts and Nevis, and St. Lucia had low or unknown capabilities. Obstacles include a lack of operable vessels, boats with limited offshore range, poor communications, and lack of radar equipment. Some of the countries with the fewest assets prefer to engage suspect vessels at shore, meaning they do not control their maritime spaces properly. Finally, the largest capability gaps exist with respect to intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance ISR in each of the countries surveyed. Kitts and Nevis had no ISR capabilities at all. Some of the problems the CNA identified in this category included having too few personnel, no radars or other sensors, no reconnaissance aircraft or aircraft with limited availability and endurance, too few patrol vessels, and only terrestrial or inshore intelligence. In addition, a senior Caribbean Community CARICOM security official interviewed for this paper stated that intelligence sharing was hampered by legal restrictions on releasing certain types of information, such as financial or personal data, among CARICOM member states and that even where agreements for intelligence sharing are in place, a lack of trust among authorities still limits what is shared. On the European end—where the facilities are larger, more secure, and sophisticated—criminal groups have increasingly exploited the use of misappropriated container PIN codes to retrieve their illicit merchandise. According to Europol, this process has mainly been detected in the container ports of Antwerp and Rotterdam the two largest in Europe , through which an estimated metric tons tons of cocaine have been trafficked using this system since This method does not require a corrupted port employee to work, only a corrupt logistics company official at the origin point who can provide the PIN codes to traffickers, who then simply pick up the drugs-laden container. However, criminal networks may divert their operations to secondary EU ports with less stringent security measures in place. Criminal organizations adapt to emerging law enforcement cooperation patterns. As the shore in Colombia became more tightly patrolled, criminal networks diversified their operations into lower-profile countries such as Bolivia and Peru. Cohesive and coordinated cooperation among U. RSS serves as a force multiplier not only by deploying sea- and aircraft, but also by providing ISR capabilities. Vincent and the Grenadines, and most recently Guiana. Each of these organizations provides crucial intelligence and analysis to the operational aspects of cocaine interdiction. This allows it to direct operations at more specific targets, rather than searching wide expanses of the Caribbean for suspicious movements of boats and aircraft. While this interagency process has been successful domestically, it is not without challenges. On the international scale, overclassification , bureaucratic red tape, and ex post facto information sharing have limited the ability of JIATF-S to coordinate with partners who are not members of the Five Eyes intelligence alliance comprising Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, and the United States. When the United States and European states choose to partner bilaterally by sharing intelligence or providing aid directly to Caribbean states, they rob the region of the opportunity to present a coordinated counternarcotic strategy. The agreement, signed in April and in effect since , seeks to combat drug trafficking in the region by encouraging cooperation, simplifying maritime drug interdiction, and enhancing law-enforcement capacity, including by allowing multinational ship riders. This leaves 16 Caribbean-region states who could potentially become party to the agreement. Concern over loss of sovereignty is one reason for the relatively few numbers of signatories—even though the treaty is almost entirely optional in nature, except for a mandatory clause requiring expeditious response to a request for vessel identification. In addition to country-specific alliances, one multilateral body has been particularly successful in building bridges. The UNODC offers a unique combination of research, trend analysis, and international cooperation models. Furthermore, the Container Control Program promotes collaboration with the private sector —companies whose containers are being used for illicit trade. Countering the flow of cocaine to Europe through the Caribbean can only be possible using a multifaceted, multilayered, and multilateral approach. Cooperation with the United States, given its vast experience in interagency collaboration, can help shape a counternarcotics strategy in the Caribbean and Europe. To achieve this, the United States and its partners should take the following initial steps:. This report was made possible by the generous support of the Bureau for International Narcotics and Law Enforcement of the U. Department of State. This report is produced by the Center for Strategic and International Studies CSIS , a private, tax-exempt institution focusing on international public policy issues. Its research is nonpartisan and nonproprietary. CSIS does not take specific policy positions. Accordingly, all views, positions, and conclusions expressed in this publication should be understood to be solely those of the author s. Table of Contents. Available Downloads Download the Full Report kb. Accessibility via the European Territories European overseas territories—whether self-governing or forming an integral part of France, the Netherlands, or the United Kingdom—offer distinct advantages to drug smugglers over other parts of the Caribbean given that they have direct access by air or maritime routes to Europe, have extensive commercial and familial ties with the old continent, and in some cases are within the same customs and immigration regime as mainland Europe. Building Barriers: Port Security, Interdiction, and Intelligence Over the past decade, container shipping has become the most common way to send drugs to Europe. Building Bridges: U. Recommendations Countering the flow of cocaine to Europe through the Caribbean can only be possible using a multifaceted, multilayered, and multilateral approach. To achieve this, the United States and its partners should take the following initial steps: Create a cohesive and centralized strategy. Actors affected by the flow of cocaine out of South America and through the Caribbean should coordinate and draft a cohesive strategy to be implemented by CARICOM IMPACS—which, as an indigenous organization, is in the best position to give Caribbean states a sense of ownership and self-determination in the process. Encourage ratification of the Treaty of San Jose. The nine states that have ratified the agreement should make a concerted effort to encourage the 16 Caribbean-region states who could potentially sign to become party to the agreement. Develop uniform customs and border protocols for all Caribbean states. Drawing on the example of the U. Transportation Security Administration, Caribbean states should design an authority responsible for standards setting and enforcement of customs examinations. Partnership with countries with advanced border control systems, such as the United States, will be key in designing a system that incorporates new technologies, including using biometrics to maintain updated traveler logs and passenger-scanning technologies to detect drug carriers. Shore up patrolling and interdiction capacity. The United States, along with Canada and European governments, should prioritize equipment sharing and capacity building in the Caribbean in a cohesive and comprehensive manner. Due to the uncoordinated allocation of resources, parts of the Caribbean—especially the south—lack the resources to interdict cocaine shipments, even if they have the appropriate intelligence to track the ships. According to one CARICOM security official, in smaller Caribbean states, criminal organizations have faster, more efficient equipment than interdiction forces do. Boost surveillance technology at ports. In , an estimated 94 percent of all containers arriving in Barbados went unscanned; this is illustrative of a broader problem in the Caribbean. With low human and technological capacity to surveil ports, Caribbean nations will continue to operate with glaring gaps in their border security. Technology loans from the United States would help Caribbean countries identify which apparatuses are best at identifying illicit cargo in their ports. Furthermore, multinational shipping companies can continue to develop technology such as smart containers that could trigger alarms if tampered with post-inspection. Expand and retain human capacity. Building human capacity requires not only training for customs officials in the Caribbean, but also a plan to invigorate their mission mindset. Further capacity could be developed through exchange programs at U. Navy or Coast Guard, for officers from Caribbean navies. These opportunities would boost camaraderie and a heightened sense of a collaborative mission. Facilitate intelligence sharing. Due to the immediacy of interdiction operations, the United States and European partners should create an accelerated plan to approve intelligence sharing with Caribbean and other European nations. This would allow for a coordinated response to immediate threats in the Caribbean and a more efficient allocation of resources, including interdiction ships, patrolling helicopters, and law enforcement personnel. To address U. Stronger counterintelligence operations could further enhance these efforts. Impose stronger penalties for bulk drug trafficking. The light penalties in Europe incentivize drug traffickers to continue their illicit trade. Legislating harsher penalties for trafficking large amounts of cocaine would deter subcontractors in the collection and distribution stages of the cocaine supply chain and could encourage legitimate transportation companies to tighten security. Punitive measures should also be accompanied by economic opportunities for underrepresented sectors of the population who are vulnerable to exploitation by drug traffickers. Partner with the private sector. Shipping container companies play an important role in ensuring the integrity of their cargo. Government corruption in places such as Ecuador has allowed criminal groups to set up legitimate companies, particularly of perishable food items that can be expedited through customs. However, law-abiding companies should partner with port authorities to ensure their container ships are not used for illicit trade. In addition to developing new container technologies, port authorities should prioritize conducting rigorous employee screening and maintaining a biometric database of all port and shipping container employees. Please consult the PDF for references. All rights reserved. Christopher Hernandez-Roy. Rubi Bledsoe.

Buying Ecstasy Dominican Republic