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O ver fifty years ago on June 17, , President Richard Nixon declared to the Washington press corps that America had a new enemy—narcotics. The U. His announcement would lead to the mass imprisonment of domestic drug users from the s onwards. Here, rhetoric became reality; metaphor got real. And it sparked off a wave of extreme violence, which many drug producing countries in Central and Latin America are still living with today. Nowhere was this militarization of the drug effort felt more than in Mexico. By the end of the s, the country produced around 90 per cent of the booming marijuana industry. They often teamed up with Mexican soldiers and federal police officers PJF , now flush with money and equipment paid for by the American government. For fifty years we have known little about this initial campaign or its effects. Most U. Neither the American agents nor the Mexican drug cops were keen to brag about what they were doing. Yet, over the past eight years I have tried to piece together the reality of this first stage of the war on drugs. My investigation has taken in new declassified documents, the oral testimonies of former cops, drug traffickers and Mexican farmers, and an extraordinary transcript of a grand jury investigation into BNDD practices. Officially American agents were in Mexico to pose as potential drug buyers, perform buy-and-busts and then hand over the traffickers to the Mexican cops. But they also employed a host of unsanctioned methods. The first of these tactics was murder. The Mexican federal cops, in particular, were well known for using ruthless force against traffickers. There were few U. Some U. The colleague refused. In addition, the use of torture was extremely common. Many encouraged it and many got involved. The ex-BNDD agent in his grand jury testimony described his shock at the prevalence of the practice. They would actually participate in the torture of these god damn people. I got caught up in a god damn gun fight there myself and killed men. Now we were running into this kind of stuff constantly, all the time. The mission involved hundreds of DEA agents, thousands of Mexican cops and tens of thousands of Mexican soldiers. They tracked down opium and marijuana fields, called in helicopters, sprayed the crops with powerful herbicides, and then rounded up the suspected growers. It was known as Operation Condor. Recently declassified Mexican secret service documents reveal that in a Mexican lawyer was tossed into the cells with the Operation Condor drug suspects. He took their testimonies and compiled a report. Even for those of us inured to reading about drug war violence, it makes for disturbing reading. In all, he listed eighteen distinct types of torture, including beating, waterboarding with chili-infused sparkling water , near-drowning in shit-filled water and rape. But beyond the victims, this kind of no-holds-barred repression also multiple secondary effects. First, in the U. In doing so, politicians now framed the war as foreign conflict which pitched Americans against murderous gangs of overseas criminals. Second, the war on drugs put torture at the center of Mexican investigative techniques. The logic was as follows. The Americans wanted arrests. Yet drug crime, unlike other felonies, often had no direct victim. Few hippies went to the police to complain that they had been scammed buying dope. So even if Mexican investigators found narcotics, they also needed confessions. To get these quickly and effectively, they employed torture — both physical brutality and psychological threats. And the judiciary acquiesced to the practice. Though laws have changed, the logic remains. And most drug confessions are still extracted through torture. In one recent study Mexican academics concluded that between 60 and 70 per cent of suspects experienced torture. In subsequent decades, the big traffickers just moved to cocaine rather than homegrown marijuana and heroin. Now Mexico is responsible for an estimated ninety percent of the cocaine sold to and exchanged inside the U. And traffickers have turned their expertise at transnational smuggling to moving other imported narcotics like fentanyl. Yet, perhaps the most important effect was on the way the trade was managed. Up to the s, corruption was limited. But they were wary about letting the business spiral out of control. If it did, they could be prosecuted or sacked. But the war on drugs changed this arrangement. As federal cops and soldiers descended on border towns and drug growing zones, they started to take over the protection of the traffickers. Corruption moved up a level. Police chiefs and even three star generals now ran the protection rackets; they commanded the cartels. And they answered to no one. If the Americans demanded arrests, these new, high-level protectors would simply cough up or occasionally murder a cartel kingpin and let the others continue unmolested. It is an arrangement that continues to this day. Capturing El Chapo has done nothing to cut drug supply or increase drug prices. The war that Nixon started shows little sign of stopping. Contact us at letters time. Join Us. Customer Care. Reach Out. Connect with Us. Harvey Georges—AP. By Benjamin T. Is Adrenal Fatigue Real? We welcome outside contributions. Opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of TIME editors. Home U. All Rights Reserved. TIME may receive compensation for some links to products and services on this website. Offers may be subject to change without notice.

Twenty-First Century Illicit Drugs and Their Discontents: The Scourge of Illicit Fentanyl

Buying Ecstasy Cienfuegos

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