Buying Ecstasy Al Ruwais

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Buying Ecstasy Al Ruwais

Haid Haid. The Syrian regime recently announced that it had arrested over 2, people in Damascus on drug-related charges during the first half of Investigative reports confirm that Syria's drug market continues to grow in terms of production, distribution, and consumption levels. However, the relatively small amount of drugs confiscated suggests the regime is focusing on arresting users and street-level pushers rather than going after the major producers and traffickers. Additionally, the regime has a history of inflating drug-related arrest figures to gain political favor with Arab states, which prioritize anti-drug efforts in their normalization process with Bashar al-Assad. Therefore, it is unwise to take the regime's figures at face value in the absence of credible verification mechanisms. Even if the numbers are accurate, not all detainees remain in jail due to widespread corruption. This highlights how the Syrian regime manipulates drug crackdowns to serve multiple agendas while ensuring the flow of illicit drugs continues uninterrupted. These claims have intensified in recent months following sharp criticism from Gulf states and Jordan, which have condemned Syria's failure to stop the smuggling of Captagon into their territories. He stated that the government had dismantled numerous drug trafficking networks, seized large quantities of drugs, and arrested many dealers, confiscating narcotics hidden using sophisticated methods. Nevertheless, the regime has a longstanding pattern of exaggerating drug-related arrest figures to distract from the significant role its networks have played in transforming Syria into a narco-state. Reports suggests the inflation of arrest numbers is a tactic to magnify the purported success of its anti-drug operations. For example, in September , Brig. Beyond the headline number, however, the regime did not provide details on the locations of the arrests, the profiles of those detained, the quantities of drugs seized, or the legal proceedings that followed. This lack of transparency further undermines the credibility of these figures. Additionally, monitoring reports from the Syrian Arab News Agency SANA reveal that only people were reportedly arrested on drug-related charges during the same period — a massive discrepancy. In addition, some of the anti-drug campaigns announced by the regime seem to be mere media stunts, yielding few, if any, significant arrests. For instance, a high-profile security campaign announced last July, following a meeting in Amman aimed at coordinating anti-drug efforts between Syrian army and security offices and their Jordanian counterparts, reportedly failed to result in the arrest of any drug dealers. Even if some of the regime's claims are accurate, they do not necessarily indicate that Assad is committed to dismantling the drug production and trafficking networks operating within and through Syrian territory. Analysts argue that the regime is primarily focused on inflating arrest statistics by targeting drug consumers and low-level pushers in large numbers, aiming to demonstrate cooperation with Arab states following Syria's readmission to the Arab League. For example, the regime reported that its arrests in Damascus during the first half of this year resulted in the seizure of approximately kg of hashish, , Captagon pills, 97 grams of crystal meth, 36 grams of heroin, and 67 grams of marijuana. These quantities pale in comparison to the scale of cross-border drug interceptions from Syria. For instance, Jordan reportedly intercepted 16 million Captagon pills and 3, kg of hashish coming from Syria since the beginning of this year. This strongly suggests that the regime is going after regular drug users and low-level pushers rather than targeting major producers and traffickers, who have made Syria the largest Captagon producer in the world. In stark contrast, the regime continues to provide protection to well-known narcotics kingpins like Samer Kamal al-Assad, Wassim al-Assad, and Noah Zeiter, allowing them to operate freely in areas under its control. The regime's role in the drug trade extends even further as well. In Daraa, it is estimated that the regime controls nearly two-thirds of the overall drug network. These smoke-and-mirror tactics should not come as a surprise, as the Syrian regime has been exploiting crackdowns on drug dealers to serve multiple agendas. Last year, the Syrian regime agreed to tackle drug trafficking across its borders with Jordan and Iraq in exchange for readmission to the Arab League. As a result, the regime conducts these minor drug-related crackdowns to create the illusion of action, aiming to ease tensions with neighboring countries. Detention for extortion has become increasingly prevalent in Syria in recent years, and drug-related arrests do not seem to be excluded from this scheme. The example of Ahmed al-Sheikha, a prominent drug dealer from Suwayda, illustrates how the regime hits more than one bird with one stone. Ahmed was detained on April 10, ahead of a scheduled meeting with the Arab Liaison Committee in Baghdad on May 7, where drug trafficking from Syria was a key agenda item. Beyond scoring political points and engaging in extortion, the Syrian regime uses detention to assert its authority over illicit trade within regime-controlled networks and intimidate those who do not comply with its demands. This is particularly evident when regime-linked drug dealers are involved in the crackdowns. For instance, in May , security forces raided the al-Salem compound in Kharab al-Shahm, owned by known drug dealer Hamad Mahawish al-Khalidi, resulting in two arrests. During the same week, the regime raided a farm near Maaraba village owned by suspected drug trafficker Rafi Ruwais, leading to two more arrests. These operations were orchestrated by military-security units under the command of Imad Abu Zreik, who has been sanctioned by the US for his involvement in drug trafficking. Even as Damascus has pretended to crack down on smuggling, regime-sponsored drug networks have continued to expand. Recent on-the-ground monitoring by the Syrian organization Etana has revealed a notable surge in cross-border smuggling attempts from Syria, with the numbers more than tripling since the previous smuggling season, typically occurring between October and March. In the season, Etana documented smuggling attempts, a significant increase from the recorded in the previous season. Moreover, the regime-affiliated drug networks have strategically invested in expanding their reach within the domestic market. The investigation identified three suspected industrial-scale Captagon production facilities in the area, collectively manufacturing an estimated 20 million pills per month for both local consumption and international trade. Despite its pretenses, the Assad regime continues to serve as the main supplier of Captagon. This fact is evident in its superficial drug crackdowns, which serve as more of a cover for its operations than a genuine attempt to tackle the issue. As a result, the data and actions reported from these initiatives lack credibility and must undergo thorough independent evaluation. Accepting these figures at face value perpetuates the regime's deceptive tactics and fails to tackle the root of Syria's growing narcotics problem. For a listing of MEI donors, please click here. Classes Classes Languages. Featured Special Issue Full Page view Internships. Token arrests Even if some of the regime's claims are accurate, they do not necessarily indicate that Assad is committed to dismantling the drug production and trafficking networks operating within and through Syrian territory. Ulterior motives These smoke-and-mirror tactics should not come as a surprise, as the Syrian regime has been exploiting crackdowns on drug dealers to serve multiple agendas. Maintaining the flow of drugs Even as Damascus has pretended to crack down on smuggling, regime-sponsored drug networks have continued to expand.

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Buying Ecstasy Al Ruwais

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Buying Ecstasy Al Ruwais