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Havana simmered with several hundred master statesmen, scarcely two alike after eight years of pulverizing tyranny. They looked in vain for a master cook. Only one ingredient in the pot suited every taste and that was proud resistance to U. The Sergeants. They had seen last month how neatly their superior officers led by Col. Horacio Ferrer had pushed over the Machado government. Last week a little band of sergeants walked into the Camp Columbia barracks of the very officers who had overthrown Machado. Firmly and none too politely the sergeants told their superiors they were through. Word traveled fast how easy it was—to the other barracks, to the police, to the rural guard, to the Navy. If it came to a showdown, they held the balance of power. He was Top Sergeant Fulgencio Batista, who as a sharp-eyed court stenographer had listened for eight years to the Machado trials of revolutionary suspects. Surrounded by bully boys from the barracks, he was as tough as any. Despite his promise not to promote himself, he soon took the title of Colonel. Batista shouted so much that he developed a sore throat. The crowd liked their show. The Commissioned Officers had gone home readily enough. A few re-enlisted in the ranks. But most of them were furiously outraged by the Revolt of the Sergeants. They knew they could never return to their commands without loss of face. Figuring it was their last chance to tell Batista what they thought of him, they went in a body to see him, led by Col. Sergeant Fulgencio Batista left that meeting in a towering rage, his face dark with blood, surrounded by 24 bodyguards armed with machine-guns. Even more strategic, the National Hotel housed U. The officers coldly refused to return to their commands or to disperse. Wives and friends brought them sidearms. They vaguely understood that where the U. Ambassador lives is U. Some of the officers wanted to rally the enlisted men, of whom each felt he could count on perhaps a score, and march on the Palace. Most were willing to compromise if the revolutionary government would consent to appoint a President and Cabinet. The officers sent out Col. Ferrer to treat with. The Junta. Jostled by the shouting, jigging mob in the Palace were five men trying to think calmly: two professors, an editor, a banker and a lawyer. Two of them elbowed for the leadership. One was Dr. A bachelor, he has the calm of a surgeon, the detached idealism of a professor. The Junta went to work as best it could. To placate the hotheads they declared all Machado properties confiscated. They named a revolutionary tribunal to hear charges against Machado suspects. Their show was good enough to get the nominal support of some of the other political groups. But the important ones turned their backs. Some of the ABC men admitted their support of the de Cespedes government had been a mistake and threw in with the Junta. Other ABC men drove through Havana in automobiles bristling with machine-guns. One thousand joined the commissioned officers in the National Hotel. The strongest one-man organization in Cuba, the followers of bearded ex-President Mario G. Menocal, joined with the officers in demanding that the Junta appoint a President and Cabinet, someone who could be either supported or thrown out. On Saturday night the Junta reluctantly met to elect a Provisional President. Soon after midnight it settled on Commissioner Grau San Martin. At noon next day, all in white, he stepped out on the second floor balcony of the Palace. With him was his only important non-Junta supporter, Miguel Mariano Gomez, head of the Marianista faction. Absent was the entire diplomatic corps. Other thousands came up, took one look and went on. Ferrer with the word that the officers would support no President who had not received U. We are willing to return to our commands as soon as all the enlisted men announce their willingness to return to their ranks. It is composed of men who broke their solemn promise to set up a government representative of the entire island, made when the various factions conferred on Saturday. The promise was broken before they had officially entered office. Now they have forgotten all this and are irresponsible children who have assumed the prerogatives of men. Children cannot dictate the Government of Cuba. Against the officers the new President had the one potent weapon to hold all Cubans together: Cuban fear of U. Indianapolis carried U. He put in a customs house man, Jose Barquin, as Secretary of the Treasury; an obscure doctor, Antonio Guiteras, as Secretary of the Interior; the son of the famed discoverer of the yellow fever mosquito, Dr. Carlos J. Chibas, who was a de Cespedes man, as Secretary of Public Works. Meanwhile last week the rest of the hash was still boiling. Havana had had the quietest week in many years. Its police blotter was almost blank. Business went on as usual, in sight of battleships, machine-guns, counter marching soldiers. The Interior was different. Looters were raiding Sinclair and Standard Oil Co. In Oriente and Santa Clara Provinces the sugar-workers seized the mills, managers fled for their lives. If Cuba had a real Red menace last week it was in the back hills. Carlos Manuel de Cespedes stayed at home. There were no automobiles outside his house. Contact us at letters time. Join Us. Customer Care. Reach Out. Connect with Us. Is Adrenal Fatigue Real? Home U. All Rights Reserved. TIME may receive compensation for some links to products and services on this website. Offers may be subject to change without notice.
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