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After India, Nepal and Pakistan, Afghanistan was next on my list, for its unique weed growing culture. Afghanistan is mostly mountainous and completely landlocked. In , the Soviet Union occupied the country and installed a communist government unpopular with locals; Soviet troops were opposed by the mujahideen, Islamist guerrilla forces supported by the US. In , the Taliban took control of Afghanistan and was later deposed by the US military invasion in But since , the Taliban has been regaining territory and is now thought to be stronger than ever. In short, decades of conflict have stalled economic development and largely cut Afghanistan off from the rest of the world. As a result, most of the cannabis planted worldwide comes from the same high-THC strains. This is what tempted me to document these rare, natural cannabis strains before they disappear. In , I set up an appointment with the Afghan Embassy in Paris the closest for me as a Belgian citizen , where I was warned about how dangerous the country is, and told to stay in my hotel for the duration of my trip. After a month hitchhiking on the roads of Uzbekistan, I finally crossed the Afghanistan—Uzbekistan Friendship Bridge, which connects the two countries across the Amu Darya river. The city produces cotton, grains and fruit , but is also famous for its cannabis fields. The further we drove from the centre, the more conspicuous the weed plants became among the neighbouring cotton fields — until, finally, they occupied entire plots of land. For my own safety, I knew it was crucial to get off on the right foot with the local farmers. I was struck by how many different types of plants could be found in the same field. Small and large, narrow and wide-leafed, green, blue, purple, their heads full of seeds and shining with resin. Some smelled like berries, others like cat piss. The harvest season is between October and December. After that, the plants are dried and processed. This traditional method filters the cannabis resin, making it more concentrated — a practice that likely originated somewhere between northern Iran and northern Afghanistan in the Middle Ages. To make hashish , you start by separating the sandy resin from the leaves and then sifting it several times. The product is then pressed and warmed up, so it releases its oils. Afghan hashish usually has a dark surface colour but is lighter inside. In this region, smoking hashish is an opportunity to socialise with friends and family. One of the oldest smoking techniques consists of dropping a pellet of hashish into glowing embers, before sucking up the vapours through a straw while keeping some water in their mouth. The Afghans also use chillums, which are wooden water pipes similar to shishas, but hand-held. Many cannabis farmers have a little chillum room in their homes, where they receive guests. In town, you can also find chillum bars where smokers get together and drink green tea around the pipe. I only had pretty positive experiences with local smokers, who seemed happy to have a tourist join them. It was usually a relaxed vibe, with conversation and laughter punctuating the constant passing of the pipe. Of course, joints are also smoked in Afghanistan. Occasionally, I saw people put sticks of pure hashish in their empty cigarettes. Some also wet their joints before lighting them — making it easier for the hashish to release its oils and burn more slowly, so that the joint can be passed among ten people for about 20 minutes without going out. For most of its consumer goods, Afghanistan relies on imports. By Josiah Hesse. By Nathaniel Janowitz. By Max Daly. By Jack Ramage. Share: X Facebook Share Copied to clipboard. Videos by VICE. Read Next. Weed Shops Are Confused

What now for the Taleban and Narcotics? A case study on cannabis

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Economy, Development, Environment. A case study on cannabis. It has been more than a year since the Taleban banned the cultivation of cannabis and the production and trafficking of cannabis resin, known as hashish, in areas of Afghanistan under their control. The Taleban put a great deal of effort into formulating the ban, consulting Islamic scholars and various of their commissions before issuing a decree from the Taleban Supreme Leader in March The research, which took place before the Taleban captured power nationally in August , provides a useful context for considering future Taleban policy on narcotics. The author conducted field trips to five districts in Ghazni and Paktika in March and November , and made follow-up telephone interviews there and in other provinces, up to July Four of the districts which this research focuses on — Andar, Giro and Nawa in Ghazni province and Dela in Paktika, were mainly under or completely under Taleban control in The fifth district, Gilan in Ghazni, was split between Taleban and government control. By July , all the government-controlled areas of these districts had fallen to the Taleban. In Nawruz , the start of the Afghan new year, the author was visiting Dela district of Paktika province and found most of the desert land under cannabis cultivation. Every half a kilometre, 25 to 35 solar panels could be seen set up over a relatively-recent dug well. Next to each well was an improvised storehouse, typically a couple of rooms, covered with a tarpaulin. Just days earlier, the Taleban had issued a ban on growing cannabis, but neither farmers and other locals, nor the author, nor the wider world had yet heard of it. This process makes a powdered cannabis resin, locally known as garda. Some farmers sell the garda to traders. Others go on to process it into resin — hashish, or locally chars — before they sell it on. Since the quality of garda deteriorates after only a couple of months, most Afghan farmers sell the complete harvest before that happens, as the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crimes UNODC has reported. On that same trip, the author travelled to four districts in Ghazni province, Andar, Giro, Gilan and Nawa see map below and found cannabis also being grown. All the districts were then mainly or completely under Taleban control Andar, Giro and Nawa in Ghazni province and Dela in Paktika or split between Taleban and government Gilan. All would fall completely to the Taleban from July onwards. A return trip was made to the five districts in late November to see whether and how the ban had been implemented. On that return trip, the author found that the cannabis sown in spring had been harvested, that is, the Taleban had not immediately implemented the March ban. However, he also found that the farmers who had grown cannabis the previous year had sown their fields with winter wheat. If they had wanted to grow cannabis again, they would have left those fields empty; cannabis, unlike wheat, is a spring-sown crop. A local man, who worked mainly as a driver, said the difference from previous years was stark: if the author had visited those areas 12 months previously, he would have seen vast areas of land left empty, ready to be sown with cannabis the following spring. Cannabis cultivation is a relatively new phenomenon in Ghazni and Paktika — neither province is renowned for its hashish, unlike Balkh, Nangrahar or the province currently growing the current most expensive and best-quality cannabis, according to illicit economies expert David Mansfield, Takhar. Interviews with farmers in Ghazni and Paktika conducted in November bore out the impression of a crop recently taken up — and now banned. He had also opened a car repair shop. He said that cannabis cultivation in the previous years had proved more profitable than mending cars, and was not difficult. They will apply it everywhere. A civil society activist from Gilan, Aminullah Bahar, said his village elders had gone to a meeting in the bazaar in Jahangir, the district town of Gilan. He said the Taleban had told the elders that cannabis cultivation was haram — forbidden under Islamic law — and was therefore banned. In the Kuchni Chula area of the Dela district, two brothers, the owners of around 20 jeribs of land, who had migrated from Logar, said local Taleban leaders had also told them to stop growing cannabis. That cannabis is an illegal crop in Islam appeared to be accepted by all interviewees. A landowner in Dela gave the example of what happened to his neighbour to make this point: the neighbour, he said, had made 2,, Pakistani rupees roughly 12, USD from cannabis, but just a few days later, he was broke. It was because the income from cannabis was haram, he said, that the neighbour did not know how or where he had spent the money. The author was interested to discover that many of the now ex-cannabis farmers in the districts of Ghazni and Paktika, which are the main subject of this study, had come from other provinces and had been renting land. For example, two brothers encountered in Dela had migrated from Logar province to cultivate cannabis. There were also people from Kandahar in Dela, whom locals said were cannabis cultivators and hashish smugglers. A businessman from Nawa, who now lives in Kabul, also told the author that farmers had migrated from Kandahar and other provinces to his home district to cultivate cannabis. This had been the case, according to several interviewees, in the Nawa and Aab Band districts of Ghazni and Khoshamand district of Paktika. One Nawa resident, who owns a business in Kabul, told AAN that land grabbing and renting had started in his district two or three years previously, with farmers installing solar panels to power wells for irrigation. This technology, introduced originally for opium poppy cultivation in the desert areas of the southwestern region see this AREU report has been developed and adopted throughout the country since and not only for the opium poppy. As for returns on the land, the resident said that in the past, such land could not be cultivated and had no monetary value except for grazing animals. That changed with irrigation. Another Nawa resident, speaking in November , explained that with a well that could irrigate 15 jeribs, tenants could be easily found and financial arrangements made. Once the season was over, he said the farmer would give the solar panels and the well to the landlord in lieu of rent. In other areas, landlords were given 1, seers of wheat around kilogrammes as rent for one jerib for the season. As to the profits made, one Nawa resident said some people in his district had made , to , Pakistani rupees roughly 1,, USD for each jerib rented out, a considerable sum. Residents in all the districts visited by the author said that both local Taleban commanders and fighters had been actively involved in cannabis cultivation and trade in hashish, prior to the ban. Interviewees told AAN that local Taleban commanders had, for example, cultivated several jeribs of land in Spin Tak, the desert between Gilan and Nawa districts. Also featuring in the interviews conducted in November were indications that, even before the ban, many farmers had not been keen, or had become less keen on cultivating cannabis. This had nothing to do with religious considerations, but the nature of the crop. While producing hashish does not require much expertise, farmers said it is time-consuming and labour-intensive. Also significant — and this theme will be explored in depth below — is that farmers reported that the price of hashish had fallen considerably in However, it may be that, at the time of year when farmers were deciding what crops to grow in , cannabis had become a less attractive crop to grow regardless of the ban. No one in the districts visited by the author were intending to defy the new Taleban ruling. On the face of it, it looked like the Taleban had successfully stopped the cultivation of cannabis locally. The next question was whether they were enforcing the ban in other areas of Afghanistan then under their control. A full nationwide survey was beyond the scope of this report. However, the author did conduct some sample interviews in November , either face-to-face or by phone, with people in other districts of Paktika, Logar and Paktia provinces, to get a flavour of what was happening elsewhere in the south-western region. Interviewees also reported that the Taleban had allowed local farmers to grow cannabis in and for the crop to be processed into garda and hashish, and that the ban would start in earnest in In Paktia, people said they had seen a copy of the Taleban ban. There were also indications, however, that in some places, not all farmers were obeying the order not to grow cannabis, or that the Taleban had not informed them of it. The author also carried out some sample interviews with farmers in other cannabis-growing provinces in summer In Chimtal district in Balkh province, two farmers and a businessman reported in July that they had heard only been rumours of a Taleban ban on cannabis; nothing official had been seen or said. One of the farmers said such rumours were rife also in Chaharbulak and Balkh districts. The Taleban had been present in the rural areas of all three of these cannabis-growing districts before the collapse of the Republic government and Taleban takeover. In Panjwayi district of Kandahar province where most of the farmers grow cannabis, the then district governor, Haji Mahmud, told AAN on 12 July that he had never heard of a Taleban ban on cannabis. He said people had cultivated cannabis and they would cultivate it again. However, a local researcher said on 15 July that people had decided that, because the Taleban might return to Panjwayi, and to neighbouring Maiwand and Arghandab districts and might ban cannabis, most farmers had cultivated less cannabis in than previous years. None of the interviewees in Balkh, Kandahar or Nangrahar, all major cannabis-growing provinces, reported the Taleban actively announcing and enforcing their ban in the way they had in Ghazni and Paktika. The author asked Taleban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahed about the very mixed implementation of the ban on 28 July He insisted that Taleban fighters in all areas had told farmers that cannabis cultivation was now banned. If cultivation is found, \[the crop\] will be destroyed. As was explained above, Ghazni and Paktika had been fairly new to cannabis cultivation; cannabis was a novel crop there which was not a major revenue source for the community. As yet, it seems the Taleban have not tried to stop farmers with a long history of cannabis cultivation in provinces such as Nangrahar, Kandahar, Balkh from growing this narcotic crop. In order to explore the current Taleban ban more thoroughly, this report now looks at previous attempts to ban cannabis and hashish, and also opium poppy, and then explore the painstaking way the Taleban built up their case for the ban, by consulting religious scholars ulema and involving various of their commissions in drawing it up. It then returns to the question of the nature of this ban. During the Taleban regime, cannabis also became a focus of attention. If anyone cultivates cannabis, they will receive the harshest punishment under sharia. Four months later, on 18 August , the Taleban leadership issued a second decree , which legalised the destruction of hashish-processing workshops. On 25 June , Taleban leader Mullah Muhammad Omar signed a new and much more substantial anti-narcotics decree containing six chapters and 28 articles. It banned the cultivation, processing, production, sale, buying, smuggling and other uses of both poppy and cannabis. It also focused on the rehabilitation of addicts, spoke of providing alternative facilities for farmers, requesting the ulema, elders and other influential figures to support and attract international assistance in this regard. The decree stated that the Taleban would destroy any poppy fields found in areas under their control during the growing season. This ban would also apply to any territory seized from the Northern Alliance. See … Continue reading. In , they had ordered poppy cultivation to be reduced by one-third, but this had not happened. There was surprise then, when observers, including AAN colleague Kate Clark, then the BBC correspondent in Afghanistan, found in the winter of that the Taleban were strictly enforcing the ban; this was not just propaganda. Whether the ban would have lasted is debateable — it was extremely unpopular in opium-growing areas, the very parts of Afghanistan from which the Taleban drew soldiers and support. Those in debt found it difficult to survive the winter without the promise of an opium harvest and were forced to default or reschedule their seasonal loans. Some had to resort to selling land, livestock and even marrying off very young daughters to service their debt see here. President Ashraf Ghani approved the current anti-drug law passed on 24 February , the third counter-narcotics law since see this AAN report. The law penalises both poppy and cannabis cultivation, as well as a variety of other substances. Under both Taleban and post-Taleban governments, the main thrust of counter-narcotics talk and action has been taken has been against opium poppy. Cannabis, while mentioned, has never been the focus of action or attention. In , however, the Taleban have only banned cannabis. The next section of this report looks at how they introduced the ban and at the pre-ban measures they took, especially their consultation with ulema. Before issuing the ban, the Taleban had first asked its commission that rules on religious issues, the dawat wa ershad — invitation to Islam and guidance commission, previously known as the vice and virtue department — for help in obtaining a fatwa , a religious ruling based on sharia law, on cannabis. This is significant because once there was a fatwa, it would be more difficult for people to justify ignoring the ban. Asking their advice gained the approval of those mullahs who had been against cannabis cultivation. They praised the Taleban for taking action against the narcotic crop. As one interviewee, a local mullah and schoolteacher said, now the local mullahs could say that the Taleban had listened to them and would be satisfied. Local mullahs are an effective mechanism for the Taleban to deliver messages to the population. This is a well-oiled propaganda machine that spreads the word of the Taleban to nearly every mosque, where the mullahs work as imams, in their respective districts and provinces. He said a small amount was allowed for medicinal use. The opinion of the mullahs consulted, that cultivating and profiting from cannabis was haram , paved the way for the Dar ul-Eftah to issue a fatwa , which then underpinned the decree and its implementation. What it gave the Taleban, however, was a religious legitimacy to their ban. The movement also sought, spokesman Mujahed told AAN, information about who was growing cannabis, how it was used, how many addicts there were and what people thought about it and whether there were complaints or concerns. He said the Taleban complaints commission and Dawat wa Ershad commission were both involved in the fact-finding and sent a written report to the Taleban supreme court. The court approved the Dar ul-Eftah fatwa stating that cannabis cultivation is illegal and sent it to the current Taleban leader Mullah Hibatullah Akhundzada for final approval. The military commission will support this commission \[Dawat Wa Ershad\] if the use of force is required. The March decree see Annex 1 gives as a reason for the ban the harm done to compatriots who become addicts and the need to protect the community and future generations, as well as that the crop is haram. It also, unequivocally, bans the renting out of state land for cannabis cultivation and also warns Taleban officials to avoid involvement in its cultivation and the transport and trade in hashish. The decree is not yet accompanied by secondary legislation, which would provide details on fines and penalties. The only clearly stated punishment relates to Taleban commanders or fighters who, according to the decree, will be removed from their positions if they are found to be in violation of the ban. There had, on paper, supposedly been a gradual cutting down of cultivation in previous years, which presumably is what Mujahed is referring to, but that reduction was never implemented, as AAN colleague Kate Clark, then with the BBC, reported at the time. The decree carries a far less punitive tone than the counter-narcotic laws adopted during Taleban regime and there is also no explicit punishment for ordinary farmers and landowners who break it. Nonetheless, Mujahed insisted that, to enforce the ban, they would call on the military commission to help if force were needed. Taleban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahed told AAN there were several reasons why they had introduced the ban. Mujahed also said the Taleban had been pushed to act by the increased use of cannabis among young men, given how widely available cannabis was. Farmers in Nangrahar, Logar, Paktika, Ghazni, Khost, Paktia and some districts of Zabul had been cultivating cannabis for commercial purposes, he said and it was being used as an illicit drug, not for medicinal or other Islamically legal purposes. He said the increased use of hashish among young men was an ongoing concern in communities and this was a significant driver behind the Taleban making the ban. Taleban local courts, he said, had consistently received complaints from people in different provinces about the use of hashish among young men in their communities. This may well be the case. News reports have also covered this issue, for example, on 4 April , Azadi radio reported that residents in Ghazni province had complained about young people using hashish. The Afghanistan Drug Use Survey the last year for which statistics are available reported that between 2. Speaking to AAN, the Taleban spokesman attributed the increased use of hashish among the young to the widespread cultivation of cannabis and the simplicity of producing hashish see this AAN report about the process here and here. It is not clear, therefore, why the Taleban have singled out cannabis as particularly problematic. Mujahed did say they would like, in the future, also to ban opium, but considered it too difficult to carry out a ban at this time because, he said, farmers had made significant investments in poppy cultivation. He argued that it was easier for farmers to stop growing cannabis because it does not need such investment. A day after the … Continue reading He also said that, as the Taleban were neither in power, nor in a position to provide an alternative to farmers for poppy cultivation, they had decided not to ban poppy. However, again it is difficult to see how, in this instance, cannabis differs from poppy: where cannabis or poppy has been grown on previously uncultivated land with wells dug and solar panels bought, both have required an investment. Where cannabis or poppy was grown on land that was already irrigated and cultivated, each crop is as easy to stop cultivating as the other: both sown yearly, so are easy to start and stop cultivating, unlike, for example, orchard crops. Indeed, all the reasons Mujahed gave for banning cannabis apply also to poppy. None of his answers were convincing as to why the Taleban have singled out one narcotic crop and not the other. However, in practical terms, it would make sense to start with the crop that is less widely grown and less economically important for farmers and traders. Such reasoning would also explain why the Taleban did not enforce the ban in the growing season throughout Afghanistan; banning cannabis where it is a major source of revenue for farmers would have been difficult and required more political capital than the Taleban had. Those who had been growing cannabis said would be their last year and they would sow a different crop in The most common reason given was the Taleban ban. The farmers we spoke to felt that disobeying the ban was not an option for them. However, they also mentioned other reasons as influencing their decision not to grow cannabis: the low price of hashish, the returns not being as great as from other agricultural products, the hard work of turning dried cannabis into resin and being involved in something they already knew to be haram — although such claims of piety are typically given by farmers who have no choice but to stop growing a narcotic crop. Whether this price fall was local or national is an important piece of the puzzle, but difficult to determine. That the price of hashish has generally been falling is borne out by figures collected by the then Ministry of Interior and earlier the UNODC, although the trend appears to be on a much-longer time-scale, over the last decade prices from to supplied to AAN by UNODC. The data does not show prices falling as precipitously as the interviewees suggested, although it only goes up to August , so ending a little before the period when farmers would have been making their decisions on which crops to grow in However, illicit economies expert David Mansfield said he also had reports of falling hashish prices in places such as Nimroz trafficked, rather than grown — 48 USD per kilo in March , down from 80 USD per kg in summer — and in Nangrahar — 50 USD per kilo for good quality hashish in , down from USD per kilo in Surveying the price of hashish is tricky. One farmer who rented land from local landowners, for example, told AAN how he had lost money in He estimated that one kilogramme of hashish had cost him 10, Pakistani rupees roughly 66 USD to produce, but he could only sell it for 3, to 5, rupees roughly USD. Costs included paying workers and providing meals, renting land, buying fertiliser and tarpaulins and digging a well. This is my last year of renting land and cultivating cannabis. Whatever the reason behind the falling price of cannabis and its products, and the subsequent low profit margins in the areas the author visited, this does appear to be one reason why farmers in these districts decided to grow other crops in The author saw multiple hashish-processing … Continue reading Lower prices may have contributed to the success of the Taleban ban there, if there was disinclination to grow the crop anyway. These price dynamics supported the Taleban ban on growing poppy. Yet the movement still had to put political capital into banning the narcotic crop to stop all production. Of course, the opposite is also true: a ban that reduces the cultivation and supply of hashish should eventually push prices back up and encourage cultivation again. Most of the farmers we spoke to, except those who had invested heavily in making desert land cultivatable, were fairly sanguine about the ban. Ghazni and Paktika are not known for growing cannabis, so it could be that farmers who had cultivated it for a few seasons when it seemed opportune found it relatively easy to switch to other crops. We saw today that our young people were on drugs near the walls; this was making me very, very sad that our youth are addicted. The international community needs to help us. Whether they will want to expend the political capital needed to maintain their ban in the southeast of Afghanistan, let alone extend it to more provinces, or, as seems more likely, quietly forget they ever enacted the ban in the first place is a topic to be followed. The increased cultivation of cannabis has resulted in many countrymen, particularly the youth, becoming addicted and the number is increasing daily, which is a tragedy for the community. The provisions below will be strictly implemented to protect the new generation from addictions of any kind and misdeeds:. A In all parts of Afghanistan, farmers are encouraged and motivated to refrain from planting cannabis and cultivating this destructive crop and instead to cultivate beneficial and harmless \[crops\]. B Tribal and local elders are encouraged to make decisions to comprehensively prevent cannabis cultivation and the hashish businesses in their areas through community-based agreements. As a result, the cultivation \[of cannabis\] is definitely banned. C The commission for Dawat Ershad and the commission for recruitment, through the respected ulema, for the purpose of public awareness, will give evidence-based sermons to the general public about the harm done by cannabis, hashish and other intoxicants as well as about it being haram. A Whoever is renting Emirati land land belonging to the Emirate, or simply desert or state land do on the condition that they do not cultivate cannabis. B People from one area who are renting land in another area for cannabis cultivation are absolutely banned from cannabis cultivation. C The commission for agriculture and livestock and the commission for usher and zakat should pay complete attention to this issue to ensure that the ban on cannabis cultivation is enforced. Article Three Emirati officials and members must keep themselves away from this bad bush, from its cultivation, business and its transportation. In case of violation, the officials involved should be removed from their positions and be introduced to the relevant Emirati entities. Although there was some public bulldozing of fields near major highways, the actual harvest rose significantly. A day after the story was published, a Twitter account, which seems to belong to a Taleban associate, shared a photo of the decree. Although the media did not extensively cover the decree, the pro-Taleban social media users shared it widely see for example and here. The author saw multiple hashish-processing facilities in March , employing 10 to 20 workers each, in Dela, Aab Band, Gilan and Nawa districts. The author also spoke to two workers taking care of a warehouse where cannabis was stored in Dela who said they received 25, Pakistani rupees roughly USD per month. In some villages in Gilan district, Bahar said, he knew young men who received 1, Pakistani rupees roughly six USD for working night shifts, while during the day, they would do other jobs. He said such work is important in the autumn when the harvest of most other crops, such as grape and wheat, is already over and most youths have no other source of income. See a recent report from the Associated Press describing a Taleban raid on addicts here, and this piece from AAN from for more detail. Even without the value added as it was smuggled across the borders, that still amounted to 1. GDP data from World Bank can be found here. The average value added of all licit agriculture and forestry, , was Endnotes: Revisions: This article was last updated on 26 Nov Fazl Rahman Muzhary More from this author. Subscribe to receive updates from the Afghanistan Analysts Network Sign up. By the time the local researcher talked with the author, the three districts were already under Taleban control: Maiwand fell on 23 June, Arghandab on 15 July and Panjwayi on 4 July The third article had stated the decree is applicable from the day of its approval and should be published in the official gazette. On 28 March , Nunn. Whether as a result of the Taleban ban or falling prices, not growing cannabis and producing hashish will have some knock-on effect on employment.

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