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Drugs, Drug Trafficking , and Pandemic in Argentina. Pablo A. This article looks at impact of the Covid pandemic on drug related crime and violence in Argentina. The growth was sustained by the health situation, the weakness of the state with growing corruption, and the increase in demand for drugs. Figure 1. Map of Argentina with provinces. Public domain. The economic crisis, which has deepened since and has hit the whole region with particular force driven by the pandemic , has reduced the quality of the substances more than their sale. The pandemic has affected the situation that has been affecting the world of work for decades. Monetary poverty is concentrated in households headed by people linked to segments of marginal workers—that is workers that have been largely unemployed. In the conurbano bonaerense Although in the last decades poverty has spread in this region in an alarming way. Figure 2: Evolution of Indigence and urban poverty rates in Argentina, percentage of Population and Households. This is something that an unsuspecting visitor would find extremely contradictory since Argentina is a country rich in food and land production! All this lack of protection resulted in a growing marginality that seems to have no bottom and proved to be fertile ground for drug trafficking, plus various other illegal activities, and a growing recruitment of organized crime. This article deals with the issue of drug trafficking in Argentina in recent years, coinciding with the health issue and the economic crisis. Pandemic and drugs, two apocalyptic horsemen for Latin America? In , about million people between million had used a drug at least once in the previous year, 5. This figure corresponds to 5. Increased utilization of land routes, shipping lanes, and postal parcels actually increased during the s. The various Latin American drug markets were affected differently: while heroin trafficking continued with few ups and downs, cocaine trafficking declined during the second quarter of These variations were the result of a decrease in supply from the countries where the drugs are manufactured. Countries such as Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, and Panama also reported changes in drug trafficking routes, with an increase in the use of maritime routes and private aircraft, often via illegal airstrips. Meanwhile, Argentina reported a drastic reduction in drug seizures related to commercial flights and an increase in the use of courier services for small- and medium-scale illicit drug shipments. Brazil saw an overall increase in seizures at its ports, which was attributed to increased controls, however no major disruption in cocaine trafficking was noted. In Bolivia, after June , with the relaxation of restrictions, the quantities of drugs seized increased significantly. Drug trafficking routes connecting this country to the Atlantic Ocean via the Paraguay-Parana river system were consolidated in Argentine Reports and Situations. In the first case, 3. Based on a probabilistic sample that allowed obtaining representative data from provinces from 20, cases, it was concluded that 5. In the Argentine city of Rosario, Santa Fe province, narco-organizations began to take shape in the late s. It was when the international community established restrictions on the importation and commercialization of precursor chemicals in coca leaf producing countries such as Colombia, Peru , and especially Bolivia. Recently in Gran Rosario Greater Rosario, city and adjoining regions , during the second year of the pandemic, the number of homicides became alarming. Around 60 percent of the homicides registered during in Rosario are linked to the development of the illegal economy or the operation of criminal organizations. In fact, this situation was due to factors directly derived from the pandemic. The impossibility of movement and the loss of purchasing power of consumers caused criminal gangs to restrict the quality of the drug, the quantity of its sale, and the division into zones of influence at the local level so as not to mobilize too much and to maintain a specific territory. The portion of the business was considered too small for the projection of so many criminal gangs leading to an increase in the rates of violence due to the territorial dispute and a greater recruitment of young people many from other gangs and even children. Two reports by the Drug Enforcement Administration DEA and one by the Organization of American States OAS warned since mid about the increase in the illegal consumption of fentanyl, which is a synthetic opiate used in medicine and was the cause of the cocaine poisoning and subsequent death of 24 people in the slum called Puerta 8, located in 3 de Febrero Partido, subdivision in the province of Buenos Aires. The neighbors of this settlement believe that this adulteration is due to the increasingly violent confrontations between gangs of drug dealers over territory. Two judicial files pointed to the participation of police officers in the commercialization of adulterated drugs and that the real leader of the criminal organization was a certain Alicho. His gang was the one that allegedly sold the drugs in Puerta 8, the villas 18 and El Gaucho and the Lanzone neighborhood always in the Buenos Aires suburbs. Although the number of deaths is not high for the percentage of homicides registered at national and provincial level between and according to the Argentine Ministry of Security , it stands out that they were produced in the framework of the fight between drug gangs for territorial and therefore commercial control of narcotics. Figure 3: Homicide Victims —, Argentina. Source: Argentine Security Ministry. It should be noted that during the quarantine added a heavy reduction in the mobilization of people and yet homicides increased. Figure 4; Population Buenos Aires v. Argentina — The Argentine Ministry of Security estimated that as of 12 November , there were at least homicide cases in the province of Buenos Aires, a daily average of 2. Edgardo Buscaglia, a specialist in narco-crime, stated that Argentina experiences state vacuums in most institutions, which encourages the actions of transnational criminal organizations. These vacuums in capacity allow illicit enterprises such as gangs and mafias to operate with low barriers to entry—essentially low operating costs while legitimate businesses operate at a higher cost margin since they must respect regulatory structures. These illicit organizations provide both legal goods and services e. Argentina has a high cost for completely legal businesses, and the opposite for criminal enterprises. Argentina, having become a drug processing country and not only a transit country, has legal loopholes that continue to crystallize, which in the end favors illegality, especially for drug traffickers, who have long been advised by legal professionals. The aforementioned laxity and deficiency in the laws punitive and preventive is a precious tool at the moment of choosing the place of action. The Argentine s tate exaggerated the persecution of the consumer, rather than the drug trafficker. This does not mean that drugs should be legalized, but rather that the beginning of the process should be attacked with greater ferocity. While this is ideal, it also requires much more work and resources because the criminal gangs dedicated to drug trafficking are increasingly diversified logistics, distribution, investments and are prepared to attack and defend themselves from the legal sphere, as well as from the material sphere, i. The vacuum of the state is also demonstrated in the lack of depth of policies and laws. It is fought and prosecuted, but without lasting substantive action to deter criminals. Once in prison, many drug traffickers continue their business, live like sultans, or simply serve relatively small sentences. The state knows it and the drug traffickers know it, the former say they cannot or that it takes too long, the latter enjoy this impossibility and at the same time continue to strengthen their power and take root in society. This situation was compounded by increased air and land transport across the border with Bolivia, Paraguay, and Brazil. The largest drug interceptions come from the Paraguayan cocaine route managed by Bolivian narco-criminal organizations trafficking through Paraguay to Argentina, more specifically to the province of Santa Fe and other provinces in northwestern Argentina. A drug route from Chile has also been detected. Transnational money laundering is also common. Espinoza entered the Argentinean financial system through different companies dedicated to real estate businesses, parking lots and shares in legal commercial firms. For more than a decade, the drug routes have led to the ports and from there the cocaine travels to Europe. In December experts met to analyze the problem posed by the growing actions of organized crime gangs in the province of Santa Fe. The meeting was called 'Dialogue for practical action. The institutional response to the challenge posed by drug trafficking in Argentina. The case of the province of Santa Fe. It was pointed out that in the long critical situation in the Province of Santa Fe there are mafia practices that, amalgamating drug trafficking with other organized crime activities such as illegal gambling, extortion, hired assassination, corruption, and other serious crimes , have become strongly established in this strategic province. This is possible due to situations such as the weakness of state institutions at all levels, the shortcomings of the democratization process, corruption at all levels, and the poor levels of professionalization of the security forces. The incarceration of the heads of the most relevant criminal organizations, as well as the current segmentation into smaller and autonomous narco-criminal groups or gangs, has not led to a decrease in the high rates of violence in the province. Drug trafficking in Argentina as in many other Latin American countries has not been heavily inhibited by the pandemic. At least not as much as the state's fight against drugs. The pandemic has encouraged the diversification of criminal gangs, and not only those dedicated to drug trafficking in the face of the growing weakness of the state, which was preoccupied with fighting the pandemic and with deficient results. That is to say, the state has put aside the centrality of its fight against organized crime, but without achieving any other objective, as demonstrated by the number of deaths caused by Covid, the unsustainable increase in unemployment, hunger, and consequently social unrest. This incapacity has done nothing but play in favor of drug traffickers, who are capable of adapting to the situation much faster than the state. They adapt through, through diversification and atomization specialization of the gangs. The lack of state capacity in Argentina, or rather, the rise of an inefficient but all-powerful s tate to impose inconsistent laws and govern in a populist way, is every day adopting more postures and positions similar to States such as Venezuela, Nicaragua , and even Cuba, where social dissidence is attacked, but the underlying problems are hidden and dismissed. In order to preserve and even expand the consumer market, drug traffickers have significantly reduced the quality of the drug, causing physical consequences for consumers, leading, as noted, to the death of more than twenty people in February of this year It has also created tensions among the criminals themselves, increasing violence in cities such as Rosario and the Buenos Aires province. Organized criminal activity led to an increase in homicides in Argentina's largest cities, expanding its radius of action from the most vulnerable areas, strengthening its links with international criminal organizations, especially in South America and Mexico. Sullivan and Robert J. Bunker, Eds. Covid, Gangs, and Conflict A Small Wars Journal-El Centro Reader for a detailed overview of the various ways organized criminal enterprises gangs, cartels, and mafias have reacted to the Covid pandemic. This article builds upon that foundation. Government of Spain. Ministry of Health. Crisis de empleo, pobreza de ingreso y privaciones sociales estructurales. Argentina urbana See John P. Winter pp. Before that he received an M. Categories: El Centro.

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