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Most of the tunnels were revealed years after his death. However, there are tunnels on Trebevic Mountain, which are dating from the Ottoman period and there is almost nothing known about them, except that they exist there. They started digging and used them for storing ice and drugs, and they probably had a chamber for meat as well. They extended tunnels by time. The proof for that are holes on some places, and Murga discovered one that is deeper than meters from where, depending on the season, is blowing cool or warm air. Also, Trebevic was said to be an old volcano, so it is no surprise that it is full of cavities. They were using them in the s. For some reason, they were not good for them. Digging was stopped because they were supposed to link two parts where they were digging, but they made a mistake in the height. The tunnels have not been used for years and they are full of moisture. There are signatures and drawings of young people on the walls who were coming here. Besides the passages, tunnels also contain two rooms that were built, as well as pipes in the walls, which are assumed to be used for ventilation. Even though this area around has been settled, these people do not know too much about this mysterious tunnels. Some people are saying that the tunnels were used between the two world wars as a fuel storage, and that the entire Trebevic Mountain is intersected with these tunnels. Some of them are taller and a person can walk normally, while you must crawl through others. However, there is no record on their construction. You must be logged in to post a comment. Username or Email Address. Remember Me. You Might Also Like. Three Minors detained for false Reports about Bombs in Schools. A Detention was proposed to the Suspect for false Reports about Bombs. Z December 8, Share this Article. Leave a comment Leave a comment. Leave a Reply Cancel reply You must be logged in to post a comment. Stay Connected. Latest News. Over 7. Italy and France hit by severe Flooding after heavy Rain October 21, What is the average monthly net Salary in BiH? October 21, Go to mobile version. Welcome Back! Sign in to your account. Lost your password?

Mysterious Objects: Tunnels under the Trebevic are provoking Curiosity

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Though the city is mostly rebuilt and thriving, on the walls facing the river and the old front lines, the cosmetic damage of bullet holes and shell impacts remains. From the path, you also have a clear view of the spots along the Trebevic Mountains overlooking the city where Bosnian Serb snipers and artillery units built positions to lay seige on the mostly Bosnian Muslim population that they terrorised for nearly three years. Twenty-five years after the war was ended by US and NATO soldiers, and a new state was formed in the Balkans, some people in Bosnia have begun to see telltale signs of a new conflict. On Friday he plans to instruct his Parliament to undo several ties that have kept the Republika Srpska alongside the rest of Bosnia for the last quarter of a century, such as leaving key legal and security arrangements, as well as the national army. Most alarmingly, Dodik wants his own army at the same moment that Bosnian Serb politicians have decided to reject laws that make genocide denial a crime. Is it full autonomy for the Republika Srpska? Or an eventual union with Serbia? Or an as-yet-unclear plan to assume full power in the Republika Srpska that would leave him above the law for life? It could be as simple as Dodik fearing an existence without a security service loyal only to him. Dodik claims his Alliance of Independent Social Democrats SNSD is ready to introduce the legislation to withdraw from key courts and the security services, all moves that essentially violate year-old peace agreements that created a country. People here remember that the last time Bosnian Serbs tried to shift some borders and increase their political autonomy, over , people died in a war that created the most refugees in Europe since World War II. The state of Bosnia and Herzegovina BiH , home to 3. Endless dissertations have been written about the history of this peace even as it continues to play out. And while dysfunction, posturing and hinted threats come from all three sides, Bosnian Serb, Croat and Muslims resent their own fickle corrupt leadership as much as their supposed enemies. What feels different this time is that Dodik appears willing to escalate the mess in a new and dangerous way. In July, he and other Bosnian Serb politicians rejected language that would have made it a crime to deny genocide happened during the war. No one can deny a genocide took place, considering all three sides variously conducted mass killings and ethnic cleansing against each other. That crime and the failure of the international community to stop it was so well documented that an entire Dutch government had to resign over it. But now the RS government is demanding the legal right to say it never happened, and everyone is worried what that might mean. Making it acceptable to argue the genocide, along with the proposed moves to leave the army, as well as the court system that runs both the federal police and national intelligence services, would starkly diminish the power of the post-Dayton state. At least. I was there to talk to its venerable head, Jakob Finci. Finci had stayed during the siege despite ample opportunities to flee to anywhere safe he wanted. He managed to save one of the oldest Sephardic Torahs from Bosnian Serb artillery fire, became an ambassador to Switzerland, and knows world leaders like Bill Clinton, Tony Blair and a dozen others. He even tried to run for president of Bosnia, offering himself as a compromise sectarian candidate figuring nobody would be threatened by the estimated to 1, Jews living in the country. Nearly 80, Finci still comes into the office every day, and on the day of our meeting, the first day of Hanukkah, he was in a typically good mood. He tried to start with the positives. The Serbs might have been outnumbered in the s, but they outgunned everyone else until the very end. Finally after a bit of speculation, Finci leaned in closer with an impish grin and a conspiratorial tone. And with that, he had to go meet the Turkish ambassador to BiH, who himself was rather concerned about what everything meant. Their energy and anger has instead been focused upon the endemic corruption in all three sides — Serb, Croat and Bosniak — of the various governments strangling the economy. The billions in international aid has dried up, leaving voracious local bosses to shake down the locals more and more. Nobody can afford the bribes themselves, so you end up taking on members of the political mafias as partners. But even then you still pay. But here no matter what you do, some new guy comes and demands money. It never ends. Real estate development gets clobbered by crooks in Sarajevo, where only those with government connections and deep-pocketed foreign-investor backing can survive the demands for bribes. All of this is controlled by local strongmen loyal to Dodik, who have little interest in adhering to environmental standards or contributing to the public purse. Standing alongside a highway in the rural RS one afternoon watching trucks pass by loaded with fresh-cut timber, one Bosnian Serb said that perhaps one in four of the trucks was from a legal cut and would pay taxes; the rest were almost certainly illegal and headed over the nearby border with Serbia for processing or export. What does scare some is an increasingly authoritarian leader in the RS capital of Banja Luka threatening to undo much of the central authority keeping the peace because cutting the army in half can only mean a weaker BiH unable to keep its parts in line. So people have begun to think the unthinkable once again. The simple reason: Such ideas tend to encourage hyper-nationalists and are perceived as rewarding military aggression and ethnic cleansing. Latal, of the Balkan Investigative Reporting Network, cuts the international community more of a break than Cerimajic and thinks local actors are overall more responsible for the recent tensions. Terrorists could too easily blend in. Why would these guys call some street cop across the country in Sarajevo? Does the FBI just call up street cops for coffee? The caller suggested they meet near his police station, and Miokovic, confused and intrigued, agreed. What he heard would not only change his life and take his right eye but also eventually reshape the region. Then I will come to the new police station. The next day, Friday, only Miokovic and one other Bosnian Serb policeman came to work. All the other Serbs had left. And as bad as the entire war was through the country, those first months were brutal before the Bosniaks could form an army. They faced Bosnian Serb paramilitaries heavily armed with Yugoslav National Army weapons that almost overwhelmed the lightly armed ad-hoc Bosniak mix of police, some former soldiers, gangsters and anyone else with a gun. The Grbavica neighbourhood near where we met is where the Bosnian Serb fighters managed to enter the city, leading to house-to-house fighting, where the killing was face to face. Two months into the war, I was six metres from a Serb — I still see his face — and both our guns were up, he fired first and missed. But the ricochet hit me in the face, took my eye and settled a few millimetres from my brain. My last thought for the month I was in the coma was that shooting me was the last thing he ever did. When he recovered, Miokovic went on to be a homicide detective for the rest of the siege, where he would treat the killing of civilians by sniper fire or artillery shells as homicides, before insisting on testifying at the war crime tribunals in public and under his own name. One night I drove three hours out from Sarajevo through darkly wooded hills to Srebrenica, whose forests hide the evidence of a massacre in shallow mass graves. He would go on to serve in the Bosnian defence ministry and also work as a journalist. So they will eventually re-form this army of Ratko Mladic. Without these people working together in an army, the idea of Bosnia will become too weak. By Mitchell Prothero. By Nathaniel Janowitz. By Robyn Wilson. By Max Daly. Share: X Facebook Share Copied to clipboard. Videos by VICE.

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