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The prophetic performance is typically associated with a specific state of mind variously called ecstasy, trance, or possession. This chapter demonstrates that an altered state of consciousness appears as a prerequisite of the prophetic performance in ancient Near Eastern, Greek, and biblical texts. In Greek sources, the divine possession of the Delphic Pythia is taken for granted, and also the prophets of Didyma, Dodona, and Claros are believed to have been influenced by the divine spirit. Neither the Greek nor the Near Eastern sources specify how the altered state of consciousness was reached. The essential thing was that they were divinely inspired, not how the inspiration manifested itself. First, however, it is necessary to explain briefly the result of the last three decades of clarification of scholarly vocabulary. The characteristic features of the prophetic performance can be described from the point of view of the one who performs, indicating the specific state of her or his body and mind during the performance. On the one hand, the prophetic performance can also be described from the point of view of the audience, in front of which the performer authenticates his or her role corresponding to cultural expectations of what kind of behavior is required of a person who claims to intermediate between human and divine spheres. A useful term to describe this is patterned public performance 11 which, regardless of the degree of ecstasy or possession, is a culture-specific signifier of a culturally accepted behavior, considered as appropriate for the specific role of the performer and serving as his or her identity-marker. By its very function as transmissive activity, the prophetic performance needs an audience, and there is no prophecy without interplay between the prophet and the audience. Therefore, the performance needs to be not only patterned but also controlled: contrary to a common presupposition, ecstatic and possessed behavior, however eccentric it may appear, is not entirely idiosyncratic and random but one that can be recognized and appreciated by the audience. Terminological clarity is needed first and foremost to enable scholarly communication and to avoid arbitrary use of scholarly language. Moreover, when applied to ancient texts whose way of expression is only partially understood by us, and to which the scholarly conceptualization is fundamentally alien, we cannot expect them to yield easily to our classifications. This should not discourage us from attempting to understand prophetic performance in the ancient world; on the contrary, the cornucopia of bits and pieces that we have at our disposal should egg us on to put the puzzle together and see what kind of picture will emerge. It may be asked, of course, whether etymologies, notoriously treacherous as they are in defining actual meanings of words, tell anything about the real comportment of the prophets. You have been smeared \[with blood\], you have no fear of death! I have humbled myself among the people, I have abased myself to the ground. I have invoked gods, being thoroughly pious. Thanks to these and other similar 26 documents, we are not dependent on etymology alone when tracing the image of the Mesopotamian prophets. The way the lexical lists associate the prophets with other people performing in the context of worship can be taken as indicative of their socio-religious setting. In the other text, the female prophets and the musicians come before the goddess, and there is, again, interplay between prophesying and lamentation, but the text is too poorly preserved to yield a clear idea of what actually is supposed to happen. The two texts allow several implications concerning the prophetic performance. However, 2 it is taken for granted that they are not necessarily able to do so. That their performance is preceded by music may suggest that the music was supposed to trigger or intensify the state of mind necessary for uttering a prophecy. Further evidence suggesting that the associations made in the lexical lists are not coincidental can be found in a Neo-Assyrian ritual text where prophets and prophetesses feature together with ecstatics:. The performative role of the prophets and ecstatics must be extracted by reading between the lines, but it is probably to mediate the healing power of the goddess and to intercede on behalf of the sick person. Transmission of divine words by the prophets and other ecstatics is not mentioned here. Actual reports on prophetic performances can be found in letters to King Zimri-Lim of Mari referring to prophetic proclamation situations:. Hence the two verbs may simply be taken as two different ways of expressing the same thing. I will destroy the name and seed of Sennacherib! Our last cuneiform example derives from a much later period. The astronomical diary concerning events that happened in Babylonia in the month of Tishri of the year bce gives an account of a prophetic performance that adds important aspects to what is discernible from the texts discussed above. The pertinent passage of the diary begins as follows:. Moving from Mesopotamia to the West Semitic milieu, we can return to the long-known event that Wenamon the Egyptian reported to have happened to him in the Phoenician city of Byblos. Bring the messenger who bears him! It is Amon who has sent him. He is the one who has caused that he come. A prophet, that is, a mediator of the divine word, becomes seized by the deity and delivers the divine message to a ruler in the context of worship in a temple—all this is familiar to us from cuneiform sources. This speaks for a common, long-term Near Eastern understanding of divine—human communication by means of prophetic activity. While the texts discussed so far demonstrate that prophetic performances were commonly associated with a characteristic behavior in different parts of the ancient Near East, there are virtually no descriptions in the above-mentioned sources to indicate how the required state of mind was achieved and what actually happened when the prophets prophesied. Concerning the campaign my lord is planning, I gave drink to male and female persons to inquire about signs. The oracle is unfavorable to him. They speak voluntarily—they could resi\[st\] as well! Unspecific as the sources are about the particulars of the characteristic behavior of the prophets, one should beware of sweeping generalizations concerning the nature of prophetic performances. The texts seem to presuppose that the persons in question, whether servant girls or cultic functionaries, assumed a specific role in which they were acknowledged as capable of becoming mouthpieces of the divine; as says Richard D. The conviction that ecstatic behavior formed an essential part of the performance of the prophets was shared by a number of scholars, 67 and it could be corroborated with further evidence, both from the cultural environment of the biblical writings and from historical analogies in different cultures. Many prophets of Yahweh, in fact, engage in ecstatic behavior in the Hebrew Bible, making spirit journeys and seeing heavenly things 2 Kgs ; ; Ezek —15; 8; 11; —14; 40—8; cf. Paul in 2 Cor. Just like in the Near East, presence in the divine council—hardly typical of the regular state of mind—or at least knowledge of its decisions is required of a true prophet in several biblical texts 1 Kgs —23; Isa. In modern times, such performances might cause the person in question to be sent to a lunatic asylum; for contemporaries, however, they were meant to signify divine possession. If possessive behavior associated with prophecy in the stories on Saul has a somewhat suspicious connotation, this does not mean that it is meant to be understood in negative terms in general. Quite the contrary, the state of being possessed by the spirit in-spiratio is presented as the precondition for prophesying even elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible: in Third Isaiah Isa. In Numbers —30, Moses complains to God about his heavy burden of leadership, and God promises to take some of the spirit he had given to Moses and put it on seventy elders chosen from among the people. Two men called Eldad and Medad who had remained in the camp continue prophesying even after the other elders have ceased to do so. Music, in fact, is several times associated with prophecy in the Hebrew Bible. These few instances do not turn the prophets into musicians, but they are not purely coincidental either, and they have not gone unnoticed by scholars. Two of the five biblical prophetesses are said to strike up a song. Deborah sings her famous song together with Barak son of Abinoam Judg. Two prophets are associated with love songs: Isaiah sings one himself Isa. Divine possession seems not to be appreciated by all biblical writers, though. This is indicated by a few defamatory statements about prophets, implying a dubious attitude towards the traditional image, social role, and performative culture of the prophets, including ecstatic or otherwise extraordinary comportment. It seems that the ecstatic element of prophecy became problematic along with the scribalization of prophecy and the prophetic ideal during the Second Temple period at the latest. The word of God was now written down, and the primary prophetic tasks were its study and interpretation. But even this was not done without the inspiration coming from God. Philo of Alexandria, on the other hand, describes his work in unequivocally ecstatic terms. Philo writes:. Philo would hardly have spoken of prophets possessed by God, let alone described his own work as korybantia without having been familiar with the tradition of prophetic spirit possession, whether through Plato for whom see the next section of this chapter , or his Jewish education, or both. A different trajectory of traditional prophetic tradition can be seen in the strong prophetic-charismatic element in the activity of John the Baptist Mark ; cf. That prophetic ecstasy was appreciated already in the earliest Christian communities can be seen in the letters of Paul, especially in 1 Corinthians 12—14, where he prefers prophecy for glossolalia. Paul does not condemn either of the two ecstatic phenomena, but argues that prophecy as immediately understandable speech was more constructive for the life of the community. For instance, for Origen and Lactantius, a true biblical or Christian prophet was strictly controlled and non-ecstatic even under divine inspiration. The divinatory performance is a common topic in Greek literature. The impressive body of Greek sources on the oracle of Apollo at Delphi yields more elements than the ancient Near Eastern evidence to reconstruct the enactment of a prophetic oracle. Moreover, while Delphi was the oracular site par excellence for the Greeks, and much of our image of Greek divination is extrapolated from that of Delphi, the oracular activity of the Pythia was not the only type of prophetic performance in the Greek world. The earliest Greek evidence of prophetic performances may be found in Minoan Crete. Although the Minoan culture does not provide us with applicable textual sources, Nanno Marinatos has recently turned attention to four Minoan images from the sixteenth century bce showing men who shake branches of a tree and kick their legs, women who seem to be in a twirling movement, and also women leaning on a stone. Her office as the high priestess thus included the role of an intermediary akin to that of the later female prophets of Apollo. The last mentioned aspect is, however, amply discussed in Greek literature from later times. The second type of mania is beneficial in curing sicknesses, and the third type is the one that comes from the Muses, inspiring songs and poetry. Plato equates the divine inspiration of the poets and the diviners even elsewhere, and it is interesting to note that all three types of divine inspiration can be found both in the ancient Near Eastern documents of prophecy and in the Hebrew Bible. Hence, the speech of Socrates is not primarily about ranking different kinds of divination but about the necessity of mania in the self-knowledge which is essentially love. To be sure, Plato does acknowledge the inspiration of the diviners manteis who are not inspired speakers such as the Pythia and the priestesses of Dodona but utilize inductive methods of divination. In his dialogue with Ion, Socrates juxtaposes the diviners with the poets inspired by the Muses while arguing for the divine origin of poetry:. The manteis were not prophets exactly in the sense that ancient Near Eastern and biblical scholars understand the word, that is, transmitters of divine word by non-technical means. Greek seers practiced divination using technai such as observing entrails of sacrificial animals and watching the flight of birds, but it is noteworthy that even in their case, a successful divination was believed to be based on a god-given insight without which the technai would have remained unfulfilled. Without an oracular content, the words of Theoclymenus or Euthyphro could be interpreted as quite ordinary speech that for some reason sounded ridiculous to their opponents; at any rate, as far as their words are quoted, they are presented in an intelligible language. The Greek vocabulary certainly suggests a specific state of consciousness of the divinely inspired speakers, but it does not necessarily refer to an uncontrolled behavior, even though this sometimes may indeed be the case. What matters is that the people thus characterized are given a role that sets them apart from other people, and the words they speak are given a meaning that implies a divine—human communication. All this should be kept in mind when we turn to the Pythia of Delphi, whose legitimacy was beyond question in the Greek world for centuries, and this is reflected by the host of sources dealing with the oracle of Apollo at Delphi. While not the only available example of Greek prophetic performance, the Pythia constitutes the most thoroughly analyzed case also in modern scholarship. These gaps cover, among other things, the alleged divine possession of the Pythia. She sits on a tripod, which is positioned over a chasm in the earth. From the chasm pour forth intoxicating vapors, and as they fill her body, she becomes possessed by Apollo. She speaks for the god in an incoherent voice, and her gibbering message is translated by priests into poetic verse that enquirers will be able to understand. Among ancient writers, the construction of the raving Pythia uttering unintelligible sounds can only be found in Lucan 39—65 ce , who depicts her raging madly about the cave: This once popular image of the Pythia has been largely abandoned by more recent scholarship because it differs from that of other ancient authors. To be sure, Plutarch does relate a case of a Pythia who went into the oracular chamber unwillingly, failed to perform in an appropriate way, and finally became hysterical. While Plutarch, to whom we owe much of our image, if not knowledge, of the Delphic oracle, lived in the period of Delphic decline, his testimony can be said to be valid for his own time but anachronistic with regard to the mantic session at Delphi in older periods. However, Herodotus, who lived half a millennium earlier c. While the existence of the chasm and its vapors used to be routinely dismissed by scholars as a legend, recent geological investigations have suggested that the temple of Apollo actually stood above an intersection of two fault lines along which three different gases indeed came up, among them ethylene that may cause an altered state of consciousness. A comparable trigger is provided by the sounds caused by bronze cauldrons, doves, and trees that allegedly inspired the priestesses of Dodona and may find an iconographical expression in the above-mentioned Minoan images. Furthermore, the mantic session at Didyma may have been accompanied by music. It would be all too rational to explain the prophetic performance at Delphi, or anywhere, simply as a hallucinatory session of drug-addicted or otherwise stunned persons, whose twaddle was then given an interpretation by others. If the wild, uncontrolled, and raving image of her is to be rejected, what is the alternative? Michael Flower, again, presents the Pythia as the prime example of someone experiencing spirit possession as the mouthpiece of a deity and indeed entering into an altered state of consciousness—and spontaneously composing hexameter verse. So was the Pythia raving or cool? Probably the most honest answer is that we do not really know. A detailed historical vision of the Pythia and other inspired mouthpieces of gods in Greece remains elusive and we are left with constructions and reconstructions dependent on the ideological, conceptual, and literary contexts in which they are created. As has been discussed in Chapter 3 , the received wording of the Delphic and other Greek prophets cannot be taken as their ipsissima verba. One thing is beyond doubt however: regardless of the writer, the Pythia and her colleagues were believed to be inspired by Apollo or Zeus and to transmit divine knowledge to their consultants. Siikala : 26—7; cf. Lewis : 33—4. Wilson : 33—4. In this distinction, prophecy clearly belongs to the realm of executive possession. Michaelsen : Lewis : 9; for their non-equivalence, see I. Lewis : 39— Nelson ; —17; Wilson : —6; Maurizio : 73—6; Overholt : 13— Klass : —19 makes a distinction between disorders and patterned dissociative phenomena. Siikala : 32—4; cf. Sonne , who emphasizes the collective nature of the ecstatic ritual. Haldar : Haldar : 23; De Zorzi : , See Lafont : Civil : 95 , for which see Wasserman and Gabbay : 69—84; Groneberg : — See Durand : —7. Whe\[n the prophetesses\] main\[tain their equilibrium\], two m\[usicians…enter\] the \[…\]. Parker : 78—9. Supposing that the wailing should be considered a musical performance, we might have here a Neo-Assyrian case in which music and prophecy are linked cf. See Charpin : ; Wasserman and Gabbay : 70, Parpola : xxxiv. Farber : ; cf. See Farber : — See Payne Smith : Ritner in Nissinen a: For a translation of the whole report, see Wente ; for a study of the text, see Schipper For the battle scenes and the martial role of the assinnu , see Zsolnay It is not quite clear to whom the drink is given. Thus Durand : 48—9. Thus Wilcke Nelson : See, e. Robinson ; cf. Jepsen : —8. Haldar : 21—9 and passim. Lindblom ; For more recent treatments of the subject, see Fenton , ; Grabbe , ; Wilson ; Blenkinsopp : —8; Michaelsen Parker Lindblom See Tiemeyer : 45— Grabbe : ; cf. Anthonioz : —8. See W. Dietrich : For the biblical Neh. Levison : Blenkinsopp : ; Schniedewind : ; cf. For the passages of Isaiah and Ezekiel in the context of love poetry, see Dobbs-Allsopp : —4. Note also Neh. This prophetic title for David is used only in Neh. For prophecy, music, and inspiration in Chronicles, see Schniedewind : — For Hos. The question is whether such transformations of prophecy can really be traced back all the way to pre-exilic prophetic figures or whether it is essentially a later development. Wright Philo, On the Migration of Abraham \[ Migr. See Levison : — Aune ; Humm Origen, On First Principles \[ Princ. Epiphanius, Panarion \[ Pan. For the temple of Apollo and the oracle at Didyma, see Hoffmann : —7; Lampinen : 56—60; Friese : —71, —8; : 39—42; Johnston : 82—90; Oesterheld : —66; Busine : 28—32, 47—86; Curnow : —4; Tuchelt ; Fontenrose ; Parke : 1—; For the oracle of Dodona, see Hoffmann : —5; Friese : —41, —7; : 50—4; Johnston : 60—72; Dieterle ; Kowalzig : —52; Eidinow ; Rosenberger : 61—4, 96—9, —7; Gartziou-Tatti ; Parke See M. Flower : 84—91; Lange , , Marinatos Marinatos : 90—1. Perhaps also male ones in the case of Claros where, according to Iamblichus De mysteriis 3. In the preserved oracles from Claros from the first through fourth centuries ce , one fragmentary strophe in the oracle for Kallipolis Merkelbach and Stauber : 21 \[no. KTU 1. Plato, Phaedr. Hesiod, Theogony \[ Theog. Griswold : 76—8; cf. Flower : 84—8. Griswold : Plato, Ion c—d; translation from Jowett a : Flower : 84— Thus Euripides, Ion , and Plato, Phaedr. See Scheinberg See Lange : ; Burkert : n. I fail to see the ecstatic aspect in the behavior of this diviner: the words of Mys are not presented as frantic speech but as spoken in the Carian language and written down by himself immediately after the performance. Plato, Euthyphro 3c; translation from Jowett a : Aeschylus, Ag. Trampedach : —9; Jansen Heraclitus 92 frag. Thus Graf : —9, who regards the figure of the Sibyl as a later construction but does not deny the possibility that it is based on historical oracular activity in the archaic period. Herodotus 1. Lange : —2; M. Flower : Flower : 86; cf. Johnston : For treatments of the oracle of Apollo at Delphi, in addition to those mentioned above in n. Dietrich See the catalogue of the Delphic responses in Fontenrose : —, and the list of Delphic consultations in Attic tragedy in Bowden : —9. Compton : Parke and Wormell : 22, 39; Lloyd-Jones Lucan 5. Duff : See the evidence collected by Compton Fontenrose : Aeschylus, Eum. Plutarch, Mor. Johnston : 45—7. Strabo 9. Iamblichus, Myst. See Addey : —1. Fontenrose : — The claim that the Pythia entered a mantic state because of ethylene intoxication is refuted by Foster and Lehoux ; cf. Lehoux ; Etiope et al. For discussion, see Trampedach : —1; Graf : —; M. Flower : with n. See Johnston : 71—2; cf. So Fontenrose : 79—80, Fontenrose : ; cf. Dietrich : and the similar judgment on the prophetess of Apollo in Didyma in Fontenrose : Flower : 88—91, ; cf. Maurizio : 83—6. Maurizio Johnston : 50—1. Johnston : 72; emphasis original. 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