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Ali Ahmed Rahim is an Iraqi journalist and human rights activists located in Baghdad, focused on social and humanitarian issues. In recent years, the Iraqi drug trade has gone from a purely commercial endeavor practiced by traffickers to a lucrative network with links to armed groups and influential political and tribal forces who rely on the profits to maintain their influence. Before the fall of the regime, Iraq functioned as a transit route for Iranian and Pakistani drugs headed to Saudi Arabia , Kuwait and other Gulf states. But since , small-time traffickers have manufactured drugs in the country and are pursued continuously by the security forces as a result. All the while, the main traffickers are ignored because of their links to influential political parties and armed militias. These pro-Iranian militias have turned the Shalamcheh border crossing in Basra —which connects southern Iraq to Iran —into a transit point for drug trafficking. Security and health officials say that the increasing flow of drugs such as the now regionally popular Captagon generally a mix of amphetamine derivatives and additives and crystal meth has created a dangerous situation that the authorities cannot manage due to a lack of resources. Due to the weakness of the Iraqi government , the militias wield control over the security environment while actively participating in the drug trade and protecting traffickers. Some analysts blame this on Iran, arguing that it manipulates the drug trade to distract Iraqi youth from national concerns and to generate financial resources to manage its affiliated militias. A Growing Trend of Addiction. According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, crystal meth is now considered the most dangerous and widespread drug in Iraq. The office issued a warning in a February report that while meth used to be smuggled in from Iran, it is now being manufactured secretly inside Iraq itself. According to the report, this occurs primarily in the southern border governorates, such as Basra and Maysan. Crystal meth is a stimulant first synthesized in pre-World War I Germany, then refined by the Japanese during World War II, when it was used to keep soldiers awake for long hours. However, the toll of meth addition is severe; it destroys the immune system and can lead to death from heart failure, kidney failure, or weight loss. The problems of drug use, addiction, and trafficking are new to Iraq , which further hinders governmental efforts and also leaves Iraqi communities ill-equipped to deal with this new threat. The spread of drugs in Iraq has led to unprecedented social ills and crimes in the country. For example, five years of addiction to crystal meth led Ali 25 to physically harass his mother, attacking her verbally and sometimes beating her. Still, she could not sit idly by, watching her own flesh and blood slowly dying. Then, without warning, he went into this dark tunnel that has destroyed our life as a family. He even suspected me of bringing men to the house while his father was away. In another case in Basra, a man named Salam raped his year-old sister two years after he started using crystal meth. The use and trade of crystal meth has not only been limited to young men. Young women have turned to this drug to escape daily pressures, emotional problems, and family abuse. They have also become tools for trafficking because they are less likely to be searched. Nour 22 from Baghdad saw crystal meth as an escape from the pain of emotional trauma. In the aftermath, a friend guided her to drugs and helped her get the first dose. The drug distorted her youthful features, she lost 15 pounds, and almost dropped out of university before she was able to recover. Inas Karim, president of the organization A Drug Free Iraq, said that among some age groups in Iraq , over 40 percent of people use drugs. Moreover, she said the age group primarily using drugs is between 15 and 35, but the majority of people in addiction centers are between 17 and Karim said fears of legal penalties and social stigmas prevent people struggling with addiction to seek treatment. Struggles to Respond. For individuals who use, possess, or transport illicit substances, penalties amount to u p to three year s of prison and fines of 5 to 10 million dinars. Iraq does not have psychological rehabilitation institutions for victims of the drug trade, and treats victims of drug addiction like criminals. Government agencies should adopt a comprehensive strategy, integrating a variety of stakeholders and key actors to address the issue. The Iraqi media should work to address the subject in order to raise public awareness about the issue and its root causes. Moreover, there must be investment into education and research regarding the high rates of substance use in recent years. Specialized treatment centers should be opened in every governorate as public centers rather than psychological treatment centers. Under Iraqi law, psychological treatment centers can only be run by physicians—not psychotherapists— exacerbating the challenge of treating addictions. Finally, security agencies should stop relying solely on punitive measures to mitigate drug use and trafficking. The government must simultaneously improve the dire economic situation and increasing unemployment, two driving drug use and trafficking among Iraqi youth. Policy Analysis Fikra Forum. Mar 8, About the Authors. Ali Ahmed Rahim. Brief Analysis. To top. Is Diplomacy Doomed? Stay up to date Sign up for email alerts.
Drug and Alcohol Use in Iraq: Findings of the Inaugural Iraqi Community Epidemiological Workgroup
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Soon after taking power last August, the Taliban vowed to crack down on narcotics. Fast forward to April of this year, and they seemed to make good on that promise, issuing a decree that unequivocally banned the production and sale of illicit drugs. It will be hard, if not impossible, for the regime to stamp out an industry which provides so many poor Afghans with a livelihood, especially amid the extreme economic and humanitarian crisis which has overtaken the country since last August. The amount of land under poppy cultivation almost tripled between and , and the country also started to produce cheap methamphetamine using an abundant local plant—ephedra. According to the United Nations, in , Afghanistan accounted for about 85 percent of global opium production. True, the Taliban movement managed to prohibit narcotics in during their previous spell in power. But it took the regime several attempts to stop opium cultivation. Drought also made opium more appealing to farmers, as it can produce a yield even in dry conditions when the wheat crop might fail. After the decree in April the Taliban tried to give off the impression that it was engaged in aggressive drug control, posting a photo in May of a tractor that was apparently destroying poppy in Helmand province. There were also reports of eradication in other parts of southwestern Afghanistan, suggesting this was more than a mere publicity stunt. But the poppy being targeted was the second opium crop of the season, which is much smaller than the first. Though less discussed than the poppy trade, the methamphetamine industry has also intensified in Afghanistan. But then, the Taliban imposed a little-noticed ban on the plant in December, and prices shot up. The decree was limited to a few provinces and came too late to affect the harvest, which had just ended. Most importantly, though, it actually benefited ephedrine and meth producers by boosting their profits, while increasing revenues to the Taliban who fined those transporting ephedra. Meanwhile, the trafficking of drugs via major highways out of Afghanistan remains high. Seizures in that area have indeed been sizable. Furthermore, Pakistan is not only a transit country for methamphetamine leaving Afghanistan, but also a large market for the drug, which is popular in educational institutions. Pakistani drug treatment professionals told me that meth abuse was becoming rampant in the country. Afghanistan-origin drugs also make their way across South Asia. Sri Lanka, where there have been repeated maritime hauls since the Taliban takeover, seized kilograms of heroin and meth in April this year. In July, Nepal recorded an unusually large heroin bust which authorities suspect came from Afghanistan, pointing to a further expansion of the trade. India is perhaps the most concerning part of the regional trafficking picture. With a massive population and a large number of opioid users, the country is highly susceptible to Afghanistan-origin drugs. Indeed, there have already been a series of drug seizures at Indian ports, most notably a vast haul of almost three tons of heroin at Mundra in Gujarat last September which allegedly originated in Kandahar, Afghanistan, before being trafficked to Iran and then on to India. In , Gujarat police seized the highest amount of drugs in the history of the state , at least eight-hundred times more than the previous year. And the seizures have continued this year: in April, kilograms of heroin were intercepted at Kandla port , and seventy-five kilograms from a container near Mundra in July. Iran and Turkey Narcotics trafficked from Afghanistan to Europe often travel through Pakistan and then Iran, where there have been massive busts in the southeast near the Afghan border. More than one hundred tons of drugs were seized in the area in the last eight months of , according to local authorities. Big hauls have continued this year. Only recently, over one ton of opium was grabbed in the southeast and a record-breaking 1. An Iranian official said that seizures of Afghanistan-origin meth and heroin had increased. From Iran, narcotics enter Turkey. Traffickers are reportedly exploiting unprecedented refugee flows to smuggle drugs across the border. Turkish authorities have also reported large seizures, including more than a ton of liquid and crystal meth intercepted in Istanbul in May and another large bust in July. And, the results of this are profound. Meth has reached every single Turkish province, the government claims, and was second only to cannabis as the most widely-used substance in Istanbul, according to wastewater analysis. It is therefore no surprise that Ankara is prioritizing meth and increasing its efforts to combat trafficking. In , Turkey intercepted 5. Notably, this is double the amount seized in Europe as a whole. The broader Middle East and Central Asia Afghanistan-origin meth has not only been flowing in large volumes to Iran, but also elsewhere in the region. Iraq has long been a destination for drugs smuggled from Iran, and in December reported a rise in drug-related arrests on its eastern border. Then there is the Gulf, where the United Arab Emirates announced in June that crystal meth was one of the most commonly seized drugs, with large hauls such as a mammoth bust of more than one ton in Dubai last April. Oman has also intercepted meth this year. Central Asia has not escaped the narcotics problem, either. According to the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, drugs are smuggled through Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, and both have reported increased seizures this year. Tajikistan recorded a 52 percent rise in drug seizures during the first half of , with its anti-narcotics chief stating that trafficking had increased since the Taliban took power. In Kyrgyzstan, about six tons of illicit drugs were intercepted in the first six months of , 60 percent more than in the same period last year. Recent years have seen heroin and meth from Afghanistan seized in the Arabian Sea and Indian Ocean as it is trafficked to Mozambique or Tanzania and then on to South Africa and other countries. Last November, alone, there were eight separate drug interdictions along this trafficking route by international maritime forces, which in seized a record amount of heroin and three times more meth than any year since Farther afield, in South Africa, police seized seventy-five kilograms of heroin and meth in July and arrested a suspect allegedly connected to an Afghanistan-based drug gang, further evidence that Afghan drugs had penetrated African markets. The record so far strongly suggests that the Taliban has not enforced its narcotics ban. Drug production and trafficking have remained at high levels or increased since the change of regime in Afghanistan. Furthermore, given that these problems are international in nature, a regional effort is needed to combat them. India, for one, has stepped up its anti-drug diplomacy with Iran, attending three days of meetings in Tehran this summer. But old rivalries undermine a comprehensive approach. India convened a meeting of national security chiefs to discuss drugs and other issues in Delhi last November, but Pakistan and China were absent. Many addicts are apparently left to die in public. And, on those occasions when the Taliban does try to do something, its approach has been brutal, rounding up drug users, shaving their heads, and beating them or dousing them in water. The new government does seem to have boosted revenue by rigorously enforcing border controls, according to a new report by David Mansfield. But imports are subject to more stringent checks than exports, Mansfield told me this month. Far from it: large seizures point to high volumes of smuggled narcotics. The future, however, is uncertain. According to Mansfield, the price of meth, and to a lesser extent opiates, remains elevated, reflecting concerns about prohibition. He also told me this month that the Taliban—facing sanctions and looking to attract development assistance—could potentially move against ephedra targeting meth production without causing widespread unemployment. But it would be much harder for them to rein in the opium industry without plunging hundreds of thousands of Afghans into deeper poverty. For that reason, a sweeping drugs ban would be very difficult to sustain. And, even if the Taliban did stamp out opiates, that could cause additional problems if countries tried to substitute heroin with opioids such as fentanyl, which happened in North America with devastating consequences. In Pakistan, fentanyl seizures increased last year, too. India must also be considered particularly vulnerable to such a scenario, seeing as it has large numbers of opioid users and a massive, poorly-regulated chemical and pharmaceutical industry to supply them. Rupert Stone is an independent journalist working on drugs, security and geopolitics in Asia. By Harris Samad and Fatima Salman. Authored in-house and advised upon by senior fellows Ambassador James B. Cunningham, Ambassador Omar Samad, Marika Theros, Javid Ahmad, and Fatemeh Aman, this report explores illicit networks in Afghanistan in the context of peacebuilding, democratic consolidation, and enhancing state capacity. It concludes by outlining several specific policy recommendations that will be necessary to combat the illicit networks in a manner that supports the durability of the ongoing peace process in Afghanistan and the continued consolidation of its fragile democratic institutions. SouthAsiaSource Aug 19, By South Asia Center. A year after the fall of Kabul to the Taliban, Afghanistan continues to face the consequences of the US-led Western military and diplomatic withdrawal. New Atlanticist Aug 12, By Atlantic Council. They are even more radical than before. SouthAsiaSource Aug 3, By South Asia Center experts. Image: Afghan money exchange dealers trade at a market in Kabul, Afghanistan, on September 4, Photo by Reuters. Share Close. Learn more. Afghanistan Arms Control. Afghanistan Conflict. Afghanistan Middle East. More on Afghanistan. Print this page Share this page. We use cookies to ensure that we give you the best experience on our website. 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Drug and Alcohol Use in Iraq: Findings of the Inaugural Iraqi Community Epidemiological Workgroup
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Drug and Alcohol Use in Iraq: Findings of the Inaugural Iraqi Community Epidemiological Workgroup
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