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Substance use disorders SUDs are characterized by recurrent use of alcohol or drugs or both that results in problems such as being unable to control use of the substance; failing to meet obligations at work, home, or school; having poor health; and spending an increased amount of time getting, using, or recovering from the effects of using the substance. Parent substance use and parent experience of an SUD can have negative effects on children. Children with a parent who has an SUD are more likely than children who do not have a parent with an SUD to have lower socioeconomic status and increased difficulties in academic and social settings and family functioning. Previous research indicates that the negative effects of parent SUDs may differ depending on the type of SUD the parent has i. One of NSDUH's strengths is the stability of the survey design, which allows for multiple years of data to be combined to examine substance use and mental health issues in the United States. NSDUH asks respondents who report using alcohol or illicit drugs in the year before the interview a series of questions designed to measure symptoms of SUD based on criteria specified in the fourth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders DSM-IV , 4 including withdrawal; tolerance; use in dangerous situations; trouble with the law; and interference in major obligations at work, school, or home during the past year. NSDUH also allows for estimating of alcohol use disorder 5 and illicit drug use disorder separately. Adults with an SUD may have an alcohol use disorder, an illicit drug use disorder, or both an alcohol and an illicit drug use disorder. The estimate of children with at least one parent who had an SUD is a composite measure. This measure is calculated using information gathered from adult respondents aged 18 or older including the respondent's SUD status; the number of biological, step, adoptive, or foster. The total number of children residing with at least one parent with an SUD was estimated by determining 1 the number of children who live in a single-parent household with a father who has an SUD; 2 the number of children who live in a single-parent household with a mother who has an SUD; 3 the number of children who live in a two-parent household with a mother who has an SUD; and 4 the number of children who live in a two-parent household with a mother who does not have an SUD but where the other parent has an SUD. The first three groups are estimated by using the parent's analytic weight multiplied by the number of children aged 17 or younger in the household. The fourth group is estimated by applying a conditional probability 7 that in a two-parent household in which the mother does not have an SUD but the other parent does to the mother respondent's analytic weight multiplied by the number of children aged 17 or younger in the household. The total number of children from these four groups constitutes the number of children residing with at least one parent where at least one parent has an SUD. Statistical comparisons between groups were not made for this report. This report presents information on the number of children who are living with at least one parent with an SUD related to their use of alcohol or illicit drugs. Previous research has shown that children of parents with an SUD were found to be of lower socioeconomic status and had more difficulties in academic, social, and family functioning when compared with children of parents who do not have an SUD. This represents about An annual average of 1. Data can also be examined by household composition i. It should be noted that, for two-parent households, it is not possible to determine whether both parents in the household had SUD. About 7. In other words, Among the 1. Thus, about Figure 1. Number and percentage of children aged 17 or younger living with at least one parent with a past year substance use disorder, by age group and household composition: annual average, to NSDUH data can be used to estimate the number of children who are living with at least one parent with an alcohol use disorder. Alcohol use disorder includes drinking-related behavior that may cause people to physically endanger themselves or others; get into trouble with the law; experience difficulties in relationships or jobs; and fail to fulfill major obligations at work, school, or home. Overall, about 7. About 6. In other words, about About 9. Figure 2. Number and percentage of children aged 17 or younger living with at least one parent with a past year alcohol use disorder, by age group and household composition: annual average, to NSDUH data can also be used to estimate the number of children who live with at least one parent who has had a past year illicit drug use disorder. Previous research has shown that children of parents who have an illicit drug use disorder are at higher risk for mental and behavioral disorders and functional impairments than children of parents with alcohol use disorder. An annual average of , children aged 0 to 2 4. Because of the methodology used to calculate the number of children living with a parent with a past year illicit drug use disorder, it is not possible to determine whether there were significant variations by age group. About 1. In other words, about 3. Among the , children residing in single-parent households with a parent who had an illicit drug use disorder, , lived with their fathers and , lived with their mothers. About 3. Figure 3. Number and percentage of children aged 17 or younger living with at least one parent with a past year illicit drug use disorder, by age group and household composition: annual average, to SUDs can have a profound influence on the lives of people and their families, particularly their children. The data in this report indicate that about 1 in 8 children in the United States aged 17 or younger were residing in homes with at least one parent who had an SUD. The rate of 1 in 8 children having at least one parent with an SUD was consistent across four age groups ranging from younger than 3 years to adolescents aged 12 to Although many children living in households with a substance-using parent will not experience abuse or neglect, they are at increased risk for child maltreatment and child welfare involvement compared with other children. The annual average of 8. As substance use and SUDs among parents often occur in households that face other challenges e. The expense of substance use treatment can be a financial barrier for people who need it; 13 however, the long-term potential impact of parent substance use on their children suggests that substance use treatment intervention for. When a parent has an SUD, the whole family may be part of the recovery process, and each household member may need support. Many resources are available to help children when a parent uses substances or has an SUD. Lipari, R. Children living with parents who have a substance use disorder. Background: Parent substance use disorders SUDs can have negative impacts on children, including lower socioeconomic status and more difficulties in academic and social settings and family functioning when compared with children living with parents without an SUD. The analysis is based on a sample size of 22, adults aged 18 or older with at least 1 related child aged 17 or younger residing in the household. Conclusion: The annual average of 8. Keywords: alcohol use disorder, children, illicit drug use disorder, parent substance use, parents, substance use disorder. Department of Health and Human Services that leads public health efforts to advance the behavioral health of the nation. The data used in this report are based on information obtained from 22, adults aged 18 or older with at least 1 related child aged 17 or younger residing in the household in the to NSDUHs. The Survey collects data by administering questionnaires to a representative sample of the population through face-to-face interviews at their place of residence. Center for Behavior Health Statistics and Quality. HHS Publication No. N ational S urvey on D rug U se and H ealth. Based on data from the combined to National Surveys on Drug Use and Health, about 1 in 8 children 8. SUDs are characterized by recurrent use of alcohol or other drugs or both that results in significant impairment. About 1 in 10 children 7. About 1 in 35 children 2. Rachel N. Lipari, Ph. Van Horn, M. Delete Page. Delete Template. Peleg-Oren, N. Young children of parents with substance use disorders SUD : A review of the literature and implications for social work practice. Journal of Social Work Practice in the Addictions, 6 1—2 , 49— Children of alcoholics: A guide to community action. American Journal on Addictions, 11 1 , 41— Washington, DC: Author. People who met the criteria for abuse for a given substance e. This conditional probability was estimated using data from households in which both parents were interviewed. Two-father households are not directly included in the estimates and their inclusion would not be expected to impact the estimates, given rounding. This estimation methodology does not lend itself to variance calculation. Biederman, J. Patterns of alcohol and drug use in adolescents can be predicted by parental substance use disorders. Pediatrics , 4 , — Anda, R. Adverse childhood experiences, alcoholic parents, and later risk of alcoholism and depression. Psychiatric Services, 53 8 , — New directions in child abuse and neglect research. Blending perspectives and building common ground: A Report to Congress on substance abuse and child protection. Washington, DC: U. Government Printing Office. Receipt of services for substance use and mental health issues among adults: Results from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health.

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The Balkans, which lie at the heart of South-Eastern Europe, have historically been an important transit route for drugs, especially for heroin coming from the East to be trafficked across Europe. In particular, after the fall of communism in , Albania also became an important country in the region for heroin trafficking. Strategically positioned at the centre of the region, with a large coastline along both the Adriatic and Ionian seas and neighbouring Italy and Greece, the country quickly turned into a key hub for heroin coming from the East before reaching the European Union. Alongside heroin trafficking, the country is also known for illicit cannabis cultivation. The village became a safe place for cultivation, though the plots of cannabis did not belong to the village citizens alone: criminals from other areas of the country could rent land in the town and cultivate their own crop. Despite a police crackdown in both places, the war against cannabis cultivation was far from over. In fact, in , the country saw an unprecedent level of spread in cannabis cultivation all over the country. This situation raised the alarm and, as result of internal and external pressures, the police and other institutions in Albania intensified their efforts against the phenomenon, bringing cultivation rates to historic lows over the past five years. This long experience with heroin trafficking — coupled with large, illegal cannabis cultivation — has granted Albanian criminal groups crucial know-how as well as financial leverage. The start was humble. Criminals from Albania were randomly contracted from the Italian mafia and other criminal networks to drive cocaine from ports throughout the continent and distributing it in the streets of European capitals. Drawing from the Italian mafia model, these criminal groups have effectively moved upstream toward the source: their brokers are in the countries where cocaine is produced — like Colombia — and in important dispatching centres — like Ecuador. Their activities were facilitated by the fact that these groups had also started to build cells and expand their activities in major cities across the United Kingdom, Spain, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Germany, among others. As such, they were able to create and run the whole chain , from arranging big shipments directly from Latin America to street distribution throughout Europe, empowering themselves and raising their prominence. Accounts show this business model has secured them millions of euros in revenue, money that is usually laundered in Albania as well as countries where they operate. In the overwhelming majority of cases, Albanian criminal groups have drug traffic at the centre of their criminal operations. These groups traffic the heroin that enters Albania through Turkey across Western and Central European countries, as well as cocaine that they secure in Latin America. Albanian-grown cannabis is usually transported by speedboats to Italy to be further distributed across Western Europe. In , cannabis cultivation in Albania reached an unprecedented level and was spread throughout the country as never before. In the same year, the police seized nearly two and a half million marijuana plants , a far greater figure than the average number of cannabis plants found by law enforcement in previous years — usually about a quarter — and almost four times higher than in , which had seen a then-record in cannabis confiscations.. Given the gravity of the situation, the government adopted a three-year anti-cannabis action plan in March The plan tasked not only law-enforcement agencies but also a wide range of state institutions, ministries, and local authorities to help in the fight against cannabis cultivation. Altogether, the measures have been successful, as cannabis cultivation has drastically decreased over the past four years. Nevertheless, there has also been a shift in cannabis cultivation from Albanian criminal groups abroad. Since for the past five years cultivating cannabis has not been as easy nor profitable as it once used to, groups have been cultivating it indoors abroad. Curating this image also became salient as it coincided with the time Albania was intensifying its efforts around the European Integration path. In fact, besides tackling cannabis cultivation, Albania has also recently intensified its collaboration with foreign law enforcement authorities, above all with Italy, in bringing down Albanian organized crime groups. The Albanian judicial reform, which started five years ago, is also showing its first results. A new Special Anti-Corruption and Organized Crime Structure SPAK investigating high-level cases of corruption and organized crime has been recently established and is already having a significant impact in the fight against Albanian criminal groups operating abroad, too. These new structures are expected not only to break down the wall of impunity, but also to bring to justice powerful figures who have helped these criminal organizations succeed. The vetting of judges and prosecutors as part of this judicial reform is considered an important step in this regard. Global Gateway represents the offer the EU is making to its external partners. It will help to tackle the most pressing global challenges, from fighting climate change to improving health systems, as well as boosting competitiveness and security of global supply chains. With conflicts raging across the Horn of Africa and tensions rising, the EU seems to have failed to achieve its goal to promote peace, stability, and inclusive, sustainable economic development in the region. There seems to be a curse on the Europe-Africa partnership. Every time the EU is desperately making efforts to revitalize the partnership things seem to go wrong. And what could the new European leadership do to restore a broken relationship with Africa? European Union's push for Economic Partnership Agreements faces backlash from African governments worried about the impacts on local industries and migration trends. Nearly a decade after the peak of the so-called migration crisis, how have EU-Africa relations evolved in terms of migration and border control? Recent developments mark an unexpected turning point in relations between Europe and the Sahel. Commentary Europe and Global Governance. Publications See all. Related events Events calendar. Online Kosovo-Serbia: alle radici della tensione. NULL 14 Jun. NULL 27 Apr.

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