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The first thing you notice are the straws: long, bright, pink-and-purple-striped, with bent necks reminiscent of childhood parties. A rumpled Taiwanese businessman makes eye contact. As his friends gear up for the next big song, he enthusiastically bids me enter. A couple of women have lost their tops. Everyone takes a big hit of the enormous lines on the tray, and then they ignore me. Not untypically for a Chinese KTV nightclub, it features a large, neon-soaked dance floor and several bars that no one is paying the least attention to. The main draw in this cavernous area is a network of concealed VIP rooms squirreled out back among a warren of identical corridors and floors accessible only to paying guests—and the very curious. It is a half-male, half-female crew, all around the same age. In front of a gigantic plasma TV blaring Korean pop videos, a young girl sallies forth to claim her song, watched by the stupefied group. The women are in black tops and skirts, the men are stripped to the waist and near skeletal thin; several are tattooed. All of them are off their heads on ketamine. Ketamine is the most popular of all recreational drugs taken in South China, which is arguably the epicenter of global ketamine consumption and production. Along with meth , whose popularity is surging worldwide, the demand for ketamine in China is steadily rising. Via Hong Kong Police. Ketamine was first patented in Belgium in , and used as an anesthetic and analgesic for animals and after recieving FDA approval, to treat injured soldiers in Vietnam. Today, the drug is known universally for rendering even experienced users utterly incapable, sending them to faraway mental plains. In China, as elsewhere, the term for this psychic out-of-body place is a K hole. As with PCP, another so-called dissociative anesthetic from the s, some users claim to be able to go straight down the K hole and be back, relatively sober, an hour later, just in time for work. At some point in between, these users—often young urbanites—will experience vivid lifelike daydreams and perhaps a profound sense of enlightenment, even in the middle of a Zhou Jie Lun track. Everything looked near and far again, and felt so relaxed and amazing… it was beyond language… all desires are aroused. The intense K high can engender feelings of enlightenment, but also send inexperienced users into a state of impending doom. I sweated so much my clothes were drenched. Anti drug advocates in Hong Kong insist the drug can cause actual deaths. The most prominent case of overdose involved a girl who collapsed and died in after participating in a ketamine snorting contest at a Hong Kong nightclub. Across the border on the mainland, the K-fen culture can appear wildly out of step with a country known for its societal fear of drugs, doting parental oversight and authoritarian governance. Wang is a pseudonym, as police officers are not authorized to speak to the media. Guangdong was once Canton, the nexus of the historical foreign scourge of opium that by had exploded into open rebellion and the first of two painful wars. Last year, three Taiwanese men were executed in Fujian province for attempting to smuggle hundreds of kilograms of ketamine to Taiwan. In June, another three men were executed and four were sentenced to death in Hainan province for selling 7. While China has sought to decriminalize illicit drug use, rehabilitation centers are often more like grueling labor camps, according to a Human Rights Watch report. And yet drugs remain readily available in China, if you know where to look. Of course, the more you buy, the cheaper it gets. The report discloses that In March, Chinese border police in Zhuhai seized 5 kg of ketamine and one smuggler. Via Zhuhai Police Department. And China has no shortage of chemical factories where all manner of compounds, both legal and illegal, can be synthesized, sometimes far from official oversight. That led to a tightening-up of export regulations for medical ketamine and for its main precursor, hydroxylimine. But online advertising of ketamine and its ingredients to foreign buyers remains pervasive. As legal ketamine continues to slip into the black market, clandestine homemade labs are proliferatating. Self-taught ketamine chemists conceal their labs in mountains and forests, reported the Guangzhou-based Southern Daily in Despite its criminality, K has gained some recognition among human health practitioners: in some places the drug is increasingly being considered as a treatment for alcohol addiction. While the long-term effects of ketamine use are still being investigated, recent literature suggests that chronic use can mean negative neuropsychological and urological effects. A clandestine ketamine lab and materials for home-brewing. Photo via Yancheng Police and Xinhua. But in , according to public statistics, the police confiscated 4. Like much of the world, he is facing down the rising threat of meth addiction. Capable of keeping workers such as truckers and factory-line operatives awake and highly productive in the short term, meth is a heavily addictive and destructive drug. By contrast, K is a physically non-addictive hallucinogenic anesthetic. It serves no economic purpose to users. It transcends socio-economic boundaries. In an increasingly wealthier China, K is cool. Photo via Mop. He offered me something to liven up my night; seems he was offering everyone. Two days later, we reconnected on what I had designated as safe ground: a busy bar area. Instead, he picked me up and took me on an unscheduled taxi ride with an anonymous guy riding shotgun. Despite the sudden change of plan, I felt fairly calm. After all, Golden was probably being just as cautious as I was. He and his friend—who, I was mildly startled to learn, was just called Casey—told me what they knew. Further inland, around Guanxi, it might go for RMB. A dealer contacted over WeChat in Beijing claims to sell meth and K, both the domestic variety and imported from India. Both would cost us around RMB per gram in the capital. Could he send 10 grams? No problem. I tell him the story about the clubs in Guilin—where local uniformed police were snorting up and zoning out alongside everyone else—and he starts nodding. In May police officers in Dongguan raided a karaoke palace and arrested 2, people for ketamine posession. Photo: Weibo. In August, police in Guangzhou arrested drug suspects in a raid of the Lihua Hotel. Many of those arrested were of West African descent and charged with possession of heroin and methamphetamines. So large was the haul that the cops were forced to mobilize eight public buses just to transport them into detention. Unsurprisingly, the story barely grazed either Chinese media or microblogs, though that probably has less to do with censorship than societal attitudes. In one horrific example in Hunan in , for example, a group of five men, including two ranking police officers, were convicted of the attempted gang-rape and manslaughter of a pair of and year-old girls, after meeting them at a karaoke bar and plying them with K. The case caused a local uproar, provincial news portal Rednet. We clink beers and discuss Guangzhou politics. In five minutes, he will begin to attempt a hard sell. In the end, I leave with his business card. Special thanks to Valentina Luo for her invaluable help in researching this article. We apologize for the errors. By Djanlissa Pringels. By Jordan Pearson. By Nathaniel Janowitz. Share: X Facebook Share Copied to clipboard. Videos by VICE.

Dynamics and optimal control of an online game addiction model with considering family education

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Yongming Zhou. Drogue et politique. China's anti-drug crusade in the s successfully eliminated the centuries-long epidemic of opium abuse. This paper, using newly available materials, reconstructs a brief history of the campaign and answers the question that why the crusade was kept invisible to the outside world until the mid s. By focusing on the ways the crusade was carried out in the historical contexts of the early People's Republic, it demonstrates that the crusade was a presentation of the Communists' desire for a 'new China' identity and was an integral part of the state-building process. The second part of this paper challenges the common assumption that China succeeded in eradicating its drug problem in the early s, and examines how and why prolonged drug suppression campaigns were conducted differently in the Yi and Tibetan areas in the mid to late s. The paper argues that the application of different policies was consistent with the CCP's state-building efforts at that time. In modem China, the drug problem has been viewed not only as a kind of social deviance but also as an explosive issue closely related to the history of the Opium Wars, to the relationships between China and Western countries, and to the definition of national history and identity. The issue of opium suppression thus became an integral part of overall nation-building goal in China. But in the first half of the twentieth-century China, anti-drug campaigns were often used as a means to enhance the power, legitimacy, and even the revenue of the central government, as exemplified in the anti-drug campaigns conducted by the Nationalists1. In the processes, the goal of nation building was often replaced by the much narrowed political and policy concerns of the current regime. Though the connotations of 'nation building' and 'state building' often overlap, the term 'state building' will be used in this paper to underscore the concrete processes and outcomes of the anti-drug campaigns in the s. In the late s, with the countrywide victory over the Nationalists imminent, it was finally time for Mao Zedong and the Communists to put forth their idea of a 'new China,' which they had been envisioning for years. According to Mao, the new China would get rid of all 'capitalist' and 'feudal' cultural elements of the. It is in this broad context of discourse that opium, drugs, gambling, and prostitution became the first targets of mass campaigns right after The People's Republic of China was established on October 1, Like its predecessors, the new government faced a thorny issue of opium suppression. By , there were more than 20 million opium addicts nationwide, about 4. As far as opium producing is concerned, a large quantity of arable land was used to poppy cultivation, especially in the southwestern and northwestern parts of China. Correspondingly, the amount of native-produced opium fluctuated through the years. Solving the opium issue thus also became an important issue on the CCP's agenda of restoring economy at the time. The Communists launched an anti-drug campaign in the early s, which has been acclaimed as a campaign that successfully eliminated the centuries-long epidemic of opium abuse. The focus of this paper is twofold. First, it challenges the common assumption that the campaign accomplished its goal in In fact the campaign in urban areas culminated in the second half of , but prolonged campaigns were conducted in the minority areas and ended in the late s, in some cases even early s. Secondly, it focuses on the ways the campaign was carried out in the historical contexts of the early People's Republic and demonstrates that the anti-drug campaign was not only a crusade to eradicate a social evil, it was also a political initiative that became a part of the overall state building efforts. While most attention has been focused on the opium suppression campaign of , in fact the opium-suppression campaign was carried out from early on. Signifying the start of a nationwide anti-drug crusade, on February 24, , the Government Administrative Council issued a General Order on Elimination of Opium and Narcotics , which gave specific instructions to local authorities for carrying out the crusade. Many provinces and big cities formulated their own regulations accordingly. The actions taken ranged from the registration and rehabilitation of addicts to curtailment of poppy. Much progress was made, but inconsistency and inefficiency were common during to the first half of There was no systematic or well-constructed plan to coordinate the crusade with other initiatives taken by the central government. In that period, even though ideologically the CCP was determined to solve the problem, in reality, it simply lacked the resources necessary to carry out this project completely, and was too preoccupied with various other tasks it was facing — among which the most important were to revive the economy devastated by the civil war, to rebuild social order at home, and to fight the Americans in Korea. After more than two years, it became clear that more assiduous efforts were needed to wipe out China's deeply rooted drug problem. Thus, the CCP in the second half of started a new wave of anti-opium campaign. If the first phase of the campaign was sporadically and inconsistently carried out without much severity against the offenders, the second phase was the opposite. It was executed with well-formulated plans, intensive propaganda, and mass mobilization, and much harsher punishments on a nationwide scale. The leads and information obtained from Three Antis and Five Antis campaigns of prompted the highest authorities to initiate the decisive drug-suppression action taken in the second half of The Three Antis campaign anti-corruption, anti-waste, and anti-bureaucracy was launched in November , mainly against corrupt cadres. The Five Antis anti-bribery, anti-tax evasion, anti-embezzlement of state assets, anti-shoddy work, and anti-pilferage of information about the state economy launched in January , targeted the national bourgeoisie. It soon appeared that many corruption cases involved drug trafficking, and their handling became a concern to policymakers at various levels. The Central Committee of the CCP ordered that in the Three and Five Antis period, the task of local authorities was to uncover and collect information on drug trafficking, and make and hold lists of drug offenders until further instruction4. It called for a mass anti-drug crusade to solve the problem once and for all. According to the Directive's outline, drug trafficking was the main problem to be solved. Large and medium-sized cities, ports, and centers of drug cultivation and distribution were targeted. Punishments were to be focused on drug kingpins and drug lords, especially. More than three months were spent preparing for the campaign. The Central Ministry of Public Security was placed in charge of coordinating the campaign nationwide. Peng Zhen, a member of the Politburo, was assigned to preside over the whole range of operations, which involved many government ministries and bureaus. The need to thoroughly investigate and gather information was once again emphasized, and local bureaus of public security were asked to delay any action against known traffickers until receiving orders from the Ministry. In it, the propaganda contents and forms were clearly defined, and any form of propaganda in written forms was prohibited. In late July, a working conference was held in Beijing to plan the campaign. Xu Zirong, Vice Minister of Public Security, gave a speech on the implementation of the campaign, and claimed that, based on preliminary investigations nationwide, there were more than , drug offenders already being uncovered, including drug producers, traffickers, and poppy-cultivation promoters. The actual figure was anticipated to reach , Of the total drug offenders, about 5 percent were drug makers and 95 percent were drug traffickers, and among the total about 10 percent were state employees6. The campaign started with the first wave of mass arrests on and around August 10 in different areas, followed by an intensive propaganda campaign and two or three more waves of mass arrests. Apparently the later arrests were based upon new leads and information gathered from the first. The second wave of arrests was carried out in late August or early September, and by October, massive actions against drug offenders were suspended. The focus shifted to putting the arrested on trial and consolidating the results of the preceding work. For example, in Tianjin, the campaign started at a. While detainees were intensively interrogated, an intensive propaganda program reached out to the , people of the city. Following the first round of arrests, the Bureau of Public Security. On September 3, the second wave of arrests was made, with detained. By the end of October, the total number of arrests reached , which was in accordance with the original plan7. Though the campaign targeted mainly drug producers and traffickers, drug addicts were forced to quit their habit. The Central Committee's policy was that addicts should be rehabilitated collectively or individually in programs administered by the government and under surveillance of the masses, with the exceptions of the elderly and the sick, who could have some extension periods. This task was carried out mostly at the end of the campaign. With drug supply channels being cut off and the masses mobilized, drug addicts had no choice but to give up. In Nanjing, there were still 1, addicts male and female by Two rehabilitation centers were set up, providing necessary medicine to those who required it. Most addicts were affected by the mass mobilization and undertook rehabilitation at home with the help of family members and 'under surveillance of the masses. By the end of the year it was claimed that all addicts were cleared8. Nationwide, the campaign was carried out decisively and in a coordinated manner. In his summary report on the national anti-drug campaign dated December 14, , Luo Ruiqing, Minister of Public Security, proclaimed that the campaign's concentrated crackdown had 'triumphantly finished in the country's 1, targeted areas. The campaign had uncovered drug makers and traffickers totaling ,, more than the original estimation of , A total of 82,, or 22 percent of the total, were arrested. Of those, 51, were prosecuted, 34, were sentenced to prison including death penalty and life sentences , 2, were sent to labor camps, 6, were put under surveillance, 3, were released, and 4, were uncategorized'9. The Government Administrative Council issued a directive. This essentially ended the campaign nationwide. Anti-Drug Propaganda and Mass Mobilization. Though the campaign of was very successful, the Chinese authorities did not allow the campaign to leave any public records. There were no records about the campaign whatsoever in newspapers, books, pamphlets, or any other written forms, except in government documentary archives. There was nothing on radio, either. Due to the CCP's reaction to the accusation made by the Americans that China was exporting drugs to Japan, the crusade was deliberately kept invisible to foreigners by the highest authorities in China. It was reported on February 19, , that Japanese narcotics agents seized twenty pounds of heroin in Kobe. According to the official U. In a swift response to the American accusation, the Central Committee decided in June to temporarily suspend publishing drug-suppression news in the newspapers, and extended the ban indefinitely in July To the Chinese, what was at stake was China's new image in the community of the nations. Assuming that America would use the news and information about drug producing and trafficking in China to prove its accusation, the Central Committee decided the propaganda campaign should be carried out orally. The Directive on Anti-Drug Propaganda focused on a counterattack against the Americans and blamed the American imperialists and remnants of the Nationalists for the lingering drug activities in China. Thus to the Chinese, the anti-drug campaign became a patriotic movement that would strike out against the aggressive conspiracy of the American imperialists To keep the campaign invisible to the outside world, the task was laid on the local officials to mobilize the masses. Such limits did not prevent them from carrying out a massive propaganda campaign that was pivotal to the success of the whole anti-drug crusade. With few exceptions, the first wave of arrests did not make an impact strong enough to be felt by the drug offenders and the rest of society. Many simply saw this as a routine crackdown like those that had happened before, and many doubted the resolution of the Communists. In Xian, for example, people thought that drug suppression was a good thing to do but were not sure that the epidemic could be eradicated completely this time, given that neither the Qing dynasty nor the Nationalists had succeeded in doing so. Despite the arrests of drug offenders in a single day on August 11, the masses were not yet motivated to participate actively in the campaign. In the following week, only drug traffickers came to be registered, and the city received only reports by the masses. Faced with this situation, the local party officials decided to intensify the propaganda campaign. Within ten days, 5, propaganda meetings were held that involved , people. The campaign turned the corner with this propaganda and a second wave of arrests on August During a mass anti-drug rally participated in by , people on August 23, as many as people asked to make confession of their crimes, and 19, reports were received on the spot With the newspaper and radio excluded, the authorities employed various other means, often very creative ones, to get their points heard and seen. The most common method was to use propaganda trucks circling the streets to broadcast the government's policy against drugs through loudspeakers on the top. In Guilin, Guangxi province, arrested drug offenders were put on the circling trucks to demonstrate the government's resolution on drug. To make the message more accessible, the campaign's policy was elaborated through traditional opera, comic dialogue, folk dance, and other popular entertainment forms. Sometimes a closed-circuit radio was set up to reach larger audiences. Yet the propaganda method that reached the most people was group gatherings, which profoundly penetrated every segment of society. There were anti-drug gatherings for people's representatives, party members and activists, members of the military, youth, senior citizens, women, students, and drug addicts and their relatives. In some places, it could be claimed without exaggeration that the campaign was made known to every single person. According to official statistics, the campaign held a total of , propaganda meetings nationwide, through which 74,, people were educated. The numbers in Shenyang were 21, meetings and 1,, people; in Guangzhou, 11, gatherings were held and 1,, people participated. In key targeted areas in the Southwest, it was said that the average number of anti-drug education meetings attended by each person was two to three In retrospect, it should point out that in the daily propaganda practice, it was not the nationalistic anti-drug arguments, but those closely associated with people's real life, that played a more important and persuasive role. At the time of the Korean War, drug suppression was deliberately tied to patriotism. In Xian, propaganda activists were asked to tell the masses that conducting anti-drug crusades was a very concrete patriotic behavior that allowed them to participate in the campaign to 'resist America and aid Korea' But as some other local authorities acknowledged, invoking the history of the Opium Wars or the drug policy of the imperialists was not, in general, a very effective way of reaching the masses. Rather, the focus was to be on how various crimes committed by imperialists and local drug traffickers — such as seducing people to use drugs, forcing female addicts to become prostitutes, stealing others' property, and supporting bandits — had inflicted so much misery on the lives of ordinary people In Beijing, the fact that several heroin-overdose victims could be found in the Tianqiao district every day during the Japanese occupation was used to condemn their. Many relatives of drug addicts were encouraged to speak out about the miserable lives drugs had brought to their family members and the addicts themselves. Angry sentiments were directed toward drug traffickers and makers so as to isolate them in society. The mass rallies and public trials were the culmination of the propaganda drive during the campaign of In the early days following the first wave of arrests, most areas reported that the action did not seem to have a substantial effect on society as a whole. The propaganda drive was subsequently intensified and various creative publicity forms were adopted. Nevertheless, it was by and large the mass rallies and public trials that gave momentum to the campaign. The situation in Wuhan was typical. After the first wave of arrests, most sectors of society remained untouched. Even a number of arrested offenders appeared not to take the matter seriously. Many of them did not tell the truth about the offenses they had committed and some and their relatives even had direct confrontations with the authorities. Of those who had not been arrested, some hid or escaped, some transferred drugs and properties to safe places, some threatened government informants, some circulated rumors that confiscated morphine would be resold in the department stores for fiscal gain by the Communists, some even took advantage of the campaign to hike up the price of drugs To deal with the situation, the local party authorities used mass rallies to launch an intensive propaganda drive. On August 16, three days after the first arrests were complete, a conference attended by 10, was held by the Propaganda Department of the Wuhan Municipal Party Committee. In the session, kilograms of narcotics were burned to show the government's resolution. However, it was not until September 9, when a municipal public trial attended by more than 20, people was held, that the whole campaign finally reached its climax, as shown by the dramatic atmosphere of this event. During the session, party and municipal leaders vowed to carry the campaign to a successful conclusion, and representatives from democratic parties and people's organizations offered their support. Among the twenty drug offenders being tried, two were sentenced to death and immediately executed, fourteen were sent to prison. The public trial seemed to have. Many rushed to confess in order to avoid the possible death penalty. Those who had not been arrested started to turn themselves in for lenient treatment. In the evening right after the public trial, it was said that people voluntarily confessed, turning over 94 Hang of morphine, 1, Hang of opium, and 1, Hang of acetic acid. In conjunction with the mass arrests before and after this public trial, the campaign achieved decisive results before the middle of October To explain the effectiveness of the mass rally and public trial in the campaign, it is necessary to go to the issue of the number of executions being carried out. According to official records, a total of drug offenders were executed Though the number is not small, it is not excessive considering the vast scope of the campaign and in comparison to the campaigns against the counter-revolutionaries and the Land Reform This time, however, the mass rallies and public trials were used to exert psychological effects on society in general, and on drug offenders in particular. These effects were achieved in association with several conditions not existent before. The first condition was that with the Land Reform and Counter-Revolutionaries Suppression partially completed, and the Three Antis and Five Antis finished, social order was restored nationwide and Communist control had been strengthened. Secondly, having completed various urgent tasks to consolidate its newly gained power, the CCP finally could join its resources together and focus on the drug issue. In the pre period, drug suppression was carried out in connection with other major campaigns. This time, local authorities were asked to carry out campaigns that focused on the very issues of drug trafficking and abuse. The third, and the most important factor was that the campaign of was well planned and systematically carried out. The issue of how many executions ought to be carried out was specified in advance and modified during the operation. Initially, the percentage was temporarily set at 0. Local authorities were instructed that only those who were guilty of the most heinous crimes should. They were told that it was not appropriate to execute too many drug offenders, and that only those deserving capital punishment should be killed. In addition, only the provincial-level authority could authorize the executions So at least 2 percent of those arrested should be killed'. Local differences in implementing the quota, and well-designed policy like ' yan cha kuan ban ' strict in investigation and flexible in punishment , in addition to public trials, may have enabled the Communists to achieve their aims at not a bigger cost to human lives and social cohesion. It is important to point out that the success of the campaign was completed with the help of institutions of social control the Communists put into China's urban society after Franz Schurmann has pointed out that the Communists tried to control the urban population from two directions. The other was through mass organizations and their grassroots efforts In the anti-drug campaign, they were indispensable in conveying government policies to ordinary urban dwellers, especially to those who did not affiliate with state-controlled institutions or enterprises. The growth of mass organizations in general, and the residents committees in particular, enabled the campaign to be carried out in an invisible way, yet it reached the vast majority of China's urban population. In Shanghai, there were more than. In August , the Shanghai Party Committee announced that it would recruit 54, new propagandists in the second half of the year Undoubtedly, these propagandists contributed a great deal to the mobilization efforts in the following anti-drug campaign. The decision to use only oral propaganda might have worked out in favor of the authorities since the illiteracy rate was very high among city residents-the figure in Shanghai alone was 46 percent The residents committees also played a big role in making the campaign touch the everyday lives of individuals. The neighborhood organization was first set up in big cities, such as Shanghai and Tianjin in , and gradually introduced to other cities in the early s. The main tasks of the residents committees included to make residents aware of government policies; to carry out activities of community concern, such as public sanitation and arbitration of disputes; and to collect and reflect opinions and demands of the residents. In Shanghai, there were 2, residents committees by December If we accept the estimate by Franz Schurmann that a residential unit consisted of from to households, and if we assume that the average size of a residents committee was households with four members, the number of people who belonged to residents committees was around two and a half million — about half of the total population in Shanghai at that time. The role played by the residents committees in the anti-drug campaign was prominent. In Jianghan district of Wuhan, more than 4, residential cadres and activists were mobilized to hold propaganda meetings with residents In Tianjin, cadres were dispatched to organize residents meetings to publicize the anti-drug campaign. Individual propagandists even held meetings at household complexes or conducted propaganda from door to door. Police stations used the residential literacy classes to explain the government policy on drugs. In the whole city, more than , were educated through these various forms of propaganda In Qingdao, the propaganda was carried out by the public-security section of the residents committees, the newspaper reading groups, and women's groups — not only. A total of 3, meetings were convened in the city The unprecedented degree of mobilization generated by the anti-drug campaign demonstrated not only how broadly the campaign touched China's urban society but also how deeply it was able to put individuals and their bodies under direct government control. Individuals were simply overwhelmed by this power. During the campaign, there were numerous cases of daughters being mobilized against their drug-trafficking fathers, or sisters against opium-smoking brothers, or wives against husbands Social control was so strong that it could break connections even between family members. The anti-drug campaign of took advantage of this existing network to accomplish its goal, and it also provided an opportunity for the authorities to consolidate this network further. The drug-suppression campaign was both a part of a state-building process, and a successful means of showing the social control and mobilization power the state had gained. The anti-drug campaign of , carried out mainly in cities, towns and drug-distribution centers, successful eradicate the backbone of opium problem, but did not finish the job in rural areas. The reduction of poppy cultivation in rural areas was achieved by linking it to Land Reform, which was conducted in the early s. The opium problem lingered much longer in the minority areas Minority nationalities exist all over China, and inhabit about 60 percent of Chinese territory with 90 percent of them living in mountainous areas Because of this geographic distribution, isolated minority areas became safe havens for poppy planting and opium. The anti-drug campaigns conducted among the Yi reflect a consistent policy on opium suppression in the minority areas by the CCP. The policy was based on two assumptions within the framework of the CCP' s nationality policies. One was that minority nationalities were different from the Han Chinese, and thus needed to be treated with sensitivity by the authorities. The other was that most minority peoples were at a 'backward' stage of social development, thus needed to be 'reformed' to enter the new socialist China. Opium was one of the social evils to be eradicated in minority communities. The first assumption, however, made the CCP adopt a gradualist approach and in most cases anti-drug campaigns were conducted in minority areas only after they had succeeded in Han areas. The second assumption prompted the Party to implement radical political and social policies to change the lives of minority peoples, as shown in the 'democratic reforms' conducted in the Yi and Tibetan areas in the mid and late s. From all accounts, the introduction of opium into the Liangshan Yi area had such a profound effect that it changed many aspects of Yi society in just a few decades. Opium not only became a part of the Yi people's everyday life, but also was a catalyst for the dramatic social changes that the Yi experienced in the early to the middle years of the twentieth century. To discuss the anti-opium campaign in the Yi area, it is necessary to first trace the origin, spread, and effects of opium in Liangshan. In the mids, the total population of Liangshan was ,, of which ,, or about 72 percent, were Yi Yi society had a rigid hierarchy and was divided into two major groups: black Yi and white Yi. The black Yi about 7 percent of the population made up the aristocratic ruling class. Clan organizations had a dominant role in the Yi society, and clans were often involved in various feuds, which were extraordinary in frequency and scale. Frequent clan feuds also made Yi society very militarized, and the Yi used this strong fighting power to descend from the mountains and capture Han villagers, taking them away as slaves. The dominance by the Yi was a rare exception in the relationship. All these social features were affected by the introduction of opium into the Liangshan area in the early twentieth century. According to several sources, opium poppy planting began around and was started by Han people as a way of evading the anti-opium campaign conducted by the Qing dynasty. By , in the area of the current Liangshan, percent of the households, both Yi and Han, engaged in poppy planting; and percent of the local population smoked opium With opium came an inflow of rifles and handguns into the Liangshan Yi area. By , about , guns of various kinds were held by a Yi population of ,, representing approximately one gun in every household From the very beginning, the Communists conducted the opium suppression separately in the Han and Yi areas of Liangshan, and with very different approaches. The Han area comprised the majority of the former Xichang Prefecture. Drug suppression started from spring and was conducted within the Han area only. Though contained, by the middle of the opium problem was still a headache to the authorities. In , Xichang authorities conducted their anti-drug campaign in the same manner that the campaign was carried out in the rest of the country. After three waves of massive arrests, more than 70 public trials were held, in which 26 drug offenders were sentenced to death and more than were sent to prison The campaign was very effective at the time in the Han area. The effectiveness of the campaign was compromised in the following years because opium produced in the Yi area found its way back to the Han area through both Han and Yi traffickers. In the following years, the authorities tried to accomplish their goals step by step. Major attempts to curtail opium planting and trafficking were thus first carried out in Yi areas within the Xichang Prefecture where the Han constituted the majority. Before April , when opium was found being brought by Yi or other ethnic minorities into the Han area, the authorities would merely point out the harmful effects of opium to the traffickers, asking them to take opium back. In areas with large opium outflows, the authorities also tried to persuade Yi clan heads to tell their subordinates not to sell opium in Han areas. After April , however, the authorities started to temporarily seize. The seized opium was eventually turned over to opium owner's local authorities, letting the latter work with the local clan head on the issue. By the second half of , the authorities finally started to confiscate opium brought into Han areas by the Yi Suppressing poppy planting in the Yi area turned out to be a much tougher issue than merely curtailing the outflow of opium. Many Yi depended on the opium income to acquire food and other necessities of life. Without a change of agricultural practice from opium planting to crop cultivation, it would thus be very difficult for the Yi to stop planting poppies. This issue touched upon the interests of Yi of varying social statuses, especially those black Yi with large investments in poppy fields and slaves. Understandably, the Communists approached the issue carefully. They worked to educate and persuade Yi to voluntarily increase crop cultivation and to decrease poppy planting. Without the authorities resorting to any form of coercion, the propaganda and persuasion seemed to work quite well in several Yi areas In contrast, the authorities met strong resistance when they used force to uproot poppies in the Yi area. After achieving the encouraging eradication of the opium poppy from two Xichang counties in , the Prefecture authorities asked that the task be carried out in five other counties, and set the spring of as the deadline for eradicating poppy planting in both Han and Yi areas. To meet this deadline, poppy eradication was carried out hurriedly by force, an action that became the catalyst for a large-scale disturbance in Miyi county in January which lasted for five months and cost more than a dozen government cadres' lives. Immediately following the outbreak of this disturbance, the Prefecture authorities ordered the poppy-eradication working teams to be dismantled, and the forced eradication of opium in the Yi area was halted From to , the Communists left the essential elements of Yi society intact. Working teams were ordered not to liberate slaves nor to propagandize Land Reform However, allowing a slave-based society to remain intact within a socialist China was not congruent with Communist ideology. After consolidating their presence in the Yi area for several years, the Communists finally launched a so-called democratic reform in The democratic reform was actually a revolution forced upon Yi society, demanding the confiscation of slave owners' land and the redistribution of it to the public. It also forbade ownership of slaves and granted all present. Slave owners, most of them black Yi, resisted the democratic reform by rising against the Communists. The revolts started in December , and were finally put down in October In many aspects, the democratic reform utilized the same techniques that the CCP had used in other areas to establish its rule, involving massive propaganda campaigns and the mass mobilization. As a result, hundreds of thousands of former slaves participated in the democratic reform and fought alongside 10, People's Liberation Army PL A troops and 5, militia members against those who revolted. In this process, the authorities cultivated 35, activists, including 2, Yi cadres. The CCP recruited 2, new members and established party committees. By doing so, the Liangshan Yi area was finally brought under the firm control of the Communists Fundamental changes in the Yi society from tol provided a new opportunity for the Communists to carry out opium suppression. Since slave owners were the main cultivators of the opium poppy, when their land was confiscated, poppy ceased to be planted. Authorities had considerable leverage over the newly liberated slaves to prevent them from planting poppies: after all, they had just received land from the government and did not want to jeopardize their acquisitions. The policy of suppressing opium planting in parallel with the process of democratic reform was clearly elaborated by a government document of By the second half of , the authorities had eradicated hectares of poppy fields in Liangshan and hectares in Xichang — 70 percent and 55 percent of the total acreage respectively. In July , for the first time, the authorities proclaimed that no nationality would be allowed to plant poppy, to sell opium, or to operate opium dens The differentiation between policies on opium suppression between Han and Yi was thus finally abolished. A total of more than 3, arrests were made in this campaign, and some of those arrested were also found guilty of drug offenses. In addition, the authorities tackled 17 opium cases and made 27 arrests. As far as poppy planting was concerned, the fact that 85 percent of Yi households had joined cooperatives by the spring of enabled the eradication of all poppies in Liangshan during the campaign. Meanwhile, with the seizure of 56, Hang of stock opium in the Liangshan Yi area and. The Aba Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture is located in the northwestern part of Sichuan province, where Tibetans, Qiang and Han are the main ethnic groups. According to a survey conducted in , there were about , Tibetans in this area, accounting for about 48 percent of the area's total population of , Within Aba, an area of 82, square kilometers that covered thirteen counties, Tibetans were concentrated mainly in the western and northwestern parts, while the Han and the Qiang inhabited the east and southeast parts, adjacent to the Han-dominated area of Sichuan province After the fall of the Qing dynasty, poppy planting started to spread through the whole area, though poppy planting in the eastern and southeastern parts was more apparent than in the western and northeastern parts of Aba. According to a survey of one district of Maerkang over several years before , out of a total of hectares of arable land, hectares, or Planting in Maerkang started in , and reached its peak during 1 First of all, opium became a catalyst of commercial exchange, something that had previously scarcely existed in the mostly self-sufficient Tibetan economy. As in Liangshan Yi society, opium also brought more guns into the Aba area. Generally speaking, Han and Hui opium merchants controlled transactions in opium; the ordinary Tibetan role was limited to that of poppy planting. The Communists entered the Aba area in Facing complex social and ethnic problems, they used caution in dealing with the local opium issue, tackling the issue step by step and differentiating the Tibetans from the Han and other ethnic groups. It took much longer to eradicate the opium problem in Aba than in the rest of country. In , opium suppression was carried out in areas under authorities' firm control. In , the campaign was conducted in the Chuosijia and Heishui counties, signaling the extension of the campaign to the whole Aba area. In the same year, Land Reform was carried out in the Han and Qiang areas, reducing poppy planting further. From to , the democratic reform deprived landlords of their land holdings in Tibetan communities. In , the whole area was collectivized, and poppy planting was virtually eradicated in Aba. For the authorities, the remaining task was to seize opium still in peoples' possession. A detailed plan for this was devised in , and the task was finally accomplished in The step-by-step strategy was used concurrently with a strategy of differentiating and stratifying different ethnic groups in opium suppression. Theoretically, with the exception of the Han Chinese, all ethnic groups belonged to minority nationalities were entitled to certain special rights under the so-called nationality policy of the Communist Party. Interestingly enough, in the anti-drug campaigns of s, differentiation was made not only between the Han and non-Han, but also among the three other main ethnic groups — Tibetan, Qiang and Hui — in the Aba area. Before , the majority of Aba-produced opium was sold to Gansu and Sichuan, the trade to the two provinces being controlled by Hui and Han trafficking groups respectively. From the very beginning of the campaigns, therefore, the Han and Hui were the main targets of opium-suppression policies. At the end of , the public security bureau of what was then Maoxian Prefecture ordered a crackdown on Han and Hui traffickers. However, in dealing with Tibetan and Qiang opium merchants who sold their products in the Han area, the local authorities were instructed to use 'persuasion' only and to let the chieftains and headmen handle the issue. Paradoxically, as far as opium trafficking was concerned, the Hui were obviously deprived of rights as a minority nationality, while the Qiang enjoyed the same lenient treatment as the Tibetans. However, since the majority of the Qiang lived in Maoxian currently the Maowen Qiang Autonomous County , and had close contact with the Han, the authorities did. Tibetans occupied the extreme low end in the ethnic stratification during the campaign, and thus enjoyed more tolerance in the opium suppression attempts. The national anti-drug campaign of was directed at only the Han Chinese in Aba. The local authorities presented suggestions on forbidding poppy planting to the provincial authorities on September 28, , but the latter were cautious and waited more than a year before instructing the local authorities to carry out anti-drug campaigns through a combination of propaganda and education. Furthermore, the instructions emphasized that opium suppression should be strictly limited in its target to the Han and Hui opium trafficking groups, especially those Han traffickers from outside Aba areas Since in many areas opium was still the main source of income for ordinary households, the Communists clearly realized that without full control of those areas and without replacement of poppies with other crops, conducting opium suppression would have provoked strong resistance, and even riots, as had happened in the Liangshan Yi area. It is therefore understandable that only after the democratic reform and collectivization in Tibetan areas was opium planting finally stopped in In modern China, opium suppression was closely connected with the task of state building, especially with the state's attempts to establish effective social control. In more than two hundred years, no one had enjoyed substantial success until the Communists had in the early s. By accomplishing a task at which no other regime had ever succeeded, the anti-drug campaign in signified the unprecedented state hegemony the Communists had built in just a few years over the whole society. Why did the Communists succeed in wiping out opium while others failed? Though this complex question cannot be thoroughly addressed in this article, certain conclusions can be drawn. Based on the history of the campaign of s described above, it is vital to emphasize and elaborate on the fact that, before the start of the campaign, the CCP had already built a social control mechanism that was unprecedented in terms of its power and effectiveness. The success of the anti-drug campaign derived from the existing mechanism and simultaneously contributed to the consolidation of the system. At the beginning, the Communists connected the moral imperative of opium suppression with a nationalistic interpretation concerning the nationhood of the new People's Republic. The concern for building and maintaining a 'new' identity for Communist China had, to a great extent, shaped the way the campaign was carried out. Different from other campaigns conducted during the same period, the rationale for conducting drug suppression was not based solely on the doctrine of class struggle but also on the concern for building up a new national identity. In this process, several contrasts were carefully elaborated: the Old China versus the New; the Nationalists versus the Communists; the imperialists versus the Chinese people. By proving that they could do what other regimes could not, the Communists enhanced the legitimacy of their rule. Not surprisingly, in the campaign of , the Chinese took American accusations so seriously that they ordered the campaign be carried out invisibly to the outside world. More importantly, through mass mobilization, the campaign became a well-orchestrated initiative that tightened social control over the urban public and formed an integral part of the state-building process. Derived directly from the Three Antis and Five Antis, at the end of the consolidation and reconstruction period, the anti-drug campaign contributed to the establishment of a social control system that eventually had 'the means of totalitarian rule that preceding authoritarian regimes — the late Qing monarchy, Yuan Shikai's abortive republic, the Nationalists' Nanking regime — could hardly have imagined' The means of implemeting the anti-drug campaign of have shown that the state did not achieve social control by merely using state violence; rather, state hegemony was achieved through a combination of coercive force and surveillance together with propaganda and persuasion. Yet the success of was achieved mainly in the urban areas. It would take another decade for the Chinese to finish the task. Campaigns in the countryside and minority areas were conducted in consistent with the overall aim of building a 'new China'. Opium suppression was conducted in the majority of countryside along with the Land Reform as a part of a bigger social revolution, which turned out very effective. But in the minority areas, the task was more complicated. In the anti-drug campaigns conducted among Yi and Tibetans, the Communists from the beginning tackled the opium problem step by step, and applied different tactics to different ethnic groups. While applying a harsh policy to the Han Chinese, the authorities used lenient policies, with some degree of variety, toward other ethnic groups. The ethnic stratification of these policies is intriguing. Ostensibly, it seems as if the more sinicized an ethnic group was, the more likely it would be to get the same treatment as the Han in drug suppression, as in the case of the highly sinicized Hui opium traffickers. This pattern, however, needs further scrutiny. In fact, the application of different policies had more to do with the level of the Communists' actual control over particular ethnic groups in particular areas at particular times. Both the Yi in Liangshan and the Tibetans in Aba were not under the firm control of the newly established People's Republic, and so the authorities had to conduct the opium-eradication campaigns step by step in connection with the completion of political and social transformation in these areas. The standard of ethnic differentiation was thus established mainly out of practical concerns, according to the degree of potential threat posed by such communities to the authorities. Opium suppression was never conducted as an isolated issue but treated as an integral part of overall state building efforts, no matter it was in urban or minority areas. The success of s derived from the ability of the CCP to conduct a revolution in social organization in urban, rural as well as minority areas, which enabled the state to have tight control of society and individuals. It was this unprecedented degree of social control that had kept the drug problem out of China until the end of the s. Photo : Alexandre Dastkevitch. On New Democracy. Oxford : Pergamon Press, , pp. Zhonggong zhongyang dongbeiju dui jilin shengwei guanyu 'sanfan ' 'wufan' zhongfaxian daliang fanmai dupin de baogao de pishi Written comments by the Northeast Bureau of CCP to the report by the Party Committee of Jilin province concerning findings on massive drug trafficking in the campaigns of the 'Three Antis' and 'Five Antis' , , Declassified government document. Guanyu jindu de tongling Directive on eradication of drug epidemic , , Archives of the Ministry of Public Security, Zhongyang gonganbu Xu Zirong jubuzhang zai jindu gongzuo huiyishang guanyu kaizhan quanguo guimo de jindu yundong de baogao The speech on conducting a national anti-drug campaign by Vice Minister Xu Zirong in work conference on drug suppression , , Archives of the Ministry of Public Security, Jiu Tianjin de yandu ji yijiuwuernian de jindu yundong Opium and narcotics in old Tianjin and the Anti-Drug Campaign in In Ma Weigang ed. Most papers in this volume are based on archival of various local bureaus of public security. It will be cited extensively in this article. Ning Gongshi. Nanjing de jindu gongzuo Anti-drug work in Nanjing. Washington, D. Zhuanfa xibeiju guanyu jindu yundong de zhishi zhongyang bing guiding quanguo jindu yundong zhuyao you zhongyang gonganbu zhangwo Forwarding the directive on drug suppression movement by the Northwest Bureau and the Central had decided that the National Anti-Drug Campaign should be handled principally by the Central Ministry of Public Security , , Archives of the Ministry of Public Security. Jinchang jindu. Xiaomie Guilin de fandu huodong Eradicate drug trafficking in Guilin. Archives of the Ministry of Public Security, Xian de jinyan sudu Anti-Drug Campaign in Xian. Northeast Bureau of CCP. Jindu xuanchuan gongzuo zhishi Directive on anti-drug propaganda. Beijing shi guanyu jindu xuanehang de qingkuang he chubu jingyan The situation of conducting drug suppression propaganda in Beijing and some preliminary experiences , Declassified government document. Wuhan jindu yundong Anti-Drug Campaign in Wuhan. See Teiwes, Frederick C. Establishment and Consolidation of the New Regime. Fairbank eds. The Cambridge History of China , Vol. The number is consistent with newly revealed statistics from sources in the PRC, which say that by May , , had been executed. Kaige xingfin de shiqi Times of marching in triumph. Zhengzhou : Henan renmin chubanshe, , p. The speech on conducting a national anti-drug campaign by Vice Minister Xu Zirong in work conference on drug suppression, Ideology and Organization in Communist China. Doak Barnett ed. Chen Shouqian. Xiang Baosheng. Opium and narcotics in old Tianjin and the Anti-Drug Campaign in Qingdao qingchu yandu jishi Records on eliminating opium in Qingdao. Anti-Drug Campaign in Wuhan. According to the census, a total of 55 minority nationalities numbered in total 91 million people, about 8 percent of the national populatioa. In He Yaohua ed. Xinan minzu yanjiu Study of Southwest Nationalities-. Special Issue on Yi , Chengdu : Sichuan minzu chubanshe, , p. Chengdu : Sichuan minzu chubanshe, , p. Anti-Opium Campaign in Liangshan. Beijing : Commercial Press, , pp. Also Editors of Aba. Chengdu : Sichuan minzu chubanshe, , pp. Also Sichuan Nationality Survey Team. Also Yang Guangcheng. Aba de jinyan sudu Anti-Opium Campaign in Aba. Anti-Opium Campaign in Aba. Anti-Drug Campaign in , A Brief Recount While most attention has been focused on the opium suppression campaign of , in fact the opium-suppression campaign was carried out from early on. The actions taken ranged from the registration and rehabilitation of addicts to curtailment of poppy 2 Anti-Drug Campaigns and State Building in China cultivation and drug trafficking. Following the first round of arrests, the Bureau of Public Security 4 Anti-Drug Campaigns and State Building in China formulated the plan of the second phase of the campaign and programmed the arrests to be made in second and third waves. The Government Administrative Council issued a directive 5 Zhou YONGMING on December 12, , that called on the people to quit opium smoking, forbade poppy cultivation, and authorized the confiscation of remaining drugs in rural areas. Anti-Drug Propaganda and Mass Mobilization Though the campaign of was very successful, the Chinese authorities did not allow the campaign to leave any public records. Assuming that America would use the news and information about drug producing and trafficking in China to prove its accusation, the Central Committee decided the propaganda campaign should be carried out orally 6 Anti-Drug Campaigns and State Building in China among an inner circle of people, and that anything on this topic should be excluded from newspapers, magazines, radios, or the New China News Agency. In Beijing, the fact that several heroin-overdose victims could be found in the Tianqiao district every day during the Japanese occupation was used to condemn their 8 Anti-Drug Campaigns and State Building in China 'poisonous policy' Mass Rally and Public Trial as Political Rituals The mass rallies and public trials were the culmination of the propaganda drive during the campaign of Local authorities were instructed that only those who were guilty of the most heinous crimes should 10 Anti-Drug Campaigns and State Building in China be executed in order to achieve the following three aims: to get rid of drug kingpins, to reform accomplices, and to educate the masses. Anti-Drug Campaign and the Establishment of Urban Control It is important to point out that the success of the campaign was completed with the help of institutions of social control the Communists put into China's urban society after In Qingdao, the propaganda was carried out by the public-security section of the residents committees, the newspaper reading groups, and women's groups — not only 12 Anti-Drug Campaigns and State Building in China on streets, but often within individual families. Anti-Drug Campaigns and the 'Reform' of Southwest Yi and Tibetan Societies The anti-drug campaign of , carried out mainly in cities, towns and drug-distribution centers, successful eradicate the backbone of opium problem, but did not finish the job in rural areas. Because of this geographic distribution, isolated minority areas became safe havens for poppy planting and opium 13 Zhou YONGMING production, especially after the opium suppression campaign of by the Qing dynasty 1. Case One : The Anti-Opium Campaign inLiangshan, From all accounts, the introduction of opium into the Liangshan Yi area had such a profound effect that it changed many aspects of Yi society in just a few decades. The dominance by the Yi was a rare exception in the relationship 14 Anti-Drug Campaigns and State Building in China between the Han and other nationalities in southwest China, in which the Han usually played the dominant role. It also forbade ownership of slaves and granted all present 16 Anti-Drug Campaigns and State Building in China slaves freedom. However, since the majority of the Qiang lived in Maoxian currently the Maowen Qiang Autonomous County , and had close contact with the Han, the authorities did 19 Zhou YONGMING not differentiate the Qiang from the Han when they conducted the Land Reform in the fall of , and thus at that time subjected them to the same standard of opium suppression as in the Han area. Conclusion In modern China, opium suppression was closely connected with the task of state building, especially with the state's attempts to establish effective social control. Notes 1. According to the census, a total of 55 minority nationalities numbered in total 91 million people, about 8 percent of the national populatioa 35 Li Jiaxiu.

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