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Edition: Available editions United Kingdom. Become an author Sign up as a reader Sign in. Possessing heroin, cocaine, meth and other drugs for personal use is no longer a criminal offense in Oregon. The idea is to get people with problem drug use help, not punishment. Policy makers need to protect and promote the interests of people whose indigenous knowledge and toil developed a thriving national cannabis economy - in the face of harsh police crackdowns. The American public should understand that the United States has played a critical role in creating and fuelling violence in Latin America via its unsuccessful war on drugs. What will it take to change a brutal and militaristic style of policing in America? Political will. Production of coca leaf, the raw material in cocaine, is surging in Peru despite 40 years of forced eradication designed to convince farmers to abandon it. Bolivia shows a better way forward. A program intended to reduce coca production ended up giving two Latin American countries a big boost to their flower power. Drug users are already among the most marginalized and stigmatized populations in times without a pandemic. Unless we decriminalize drug use, once again they will bear the brunt of another deadly disease. Police crackdown operations are likely to exacerbate the structural inequalities that can influence criminality in the first place. Both presidents brought border traffic and trade to a standstill in hopes of changing Mexican policy in the drug war. And both failed to achieve their goals. The Mexican slow-down in life expectancy improvements coincides with an unprecedented rise in violence. Understanding the pleasure drugs give people would help to prevent the harms. With several music festival patrons dying this year the pill testing debate is in full swing. Yet people can already purchase legally available test kits. Do they work? There are arguments against pill testing. But none are as compelling or evidence-based as the arguments for it. Just seven countries worldwide regularly execute people for drug crimes, most of them authoritarian regimes. Nothing suggests that this brutal policy actually curbs drug use.

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That was also the time when a new phase of dispossessions began in the state of Guerrero. Poppy production becomes visible as a response to the economic and social crises that have ravaged the Mexican countryside, and illicit crops appear not as a product of a largely absentee State, but as a direct effect of state policies. Later, in , ratification of the North American Free Trade Agreement NAFTA fomented foreign investment in agricultural production in a way that favored and incentivized the development of commercial enterprises over subsistence farming. These structural reforms generated a transition in productive processes that gave clear preference to agribusiness over other ways of exploiting the land. In stark contrast, territories in the south with high indices of indigenous population, like the states of Guerrero and Oaxaca, became sources of labor for those poles of commercial agricultural production. In Guerrero, participation in drug production and trafficking by an impoverished peasantry emerged as a survival strategy in a context of harsh relations of economic exploitation. For one sector of these rural populations, participation in drug-trafficking became a way of reorganizing within, and adapting to, an overarching economic structure that relegated it to a subaltern position. From this vantage point, poppy production becomes visible as a response to the economic and social crises that have ravaged the Mexican countryside, and illicit crops appear not as a product of a largely absentee State, but as a direct effect of state policies. Numerous localities in the Sierra Madre del Sur adopted poppy cultivation as an economic activity that allowed them to defend themselves against power structures that kept them in a subordinate position. However, in stark contrast to accounts which assume that poverty is an underlying, universal characteristic of all poppy-production regions in Mexico, some growing areas in Guerrero present varied socioeconomic profiles. There are, in fact, zones where illicit crops have even supported the emergence of rural capitalists, subjects with property, capital, and a certain capacity to participate creatively in a market economy. In the following section, I present a case which illustrates how the economy derived from poppy and opium gum production functions in its local dimension. The discussion is based on the results of fieldwork conducted in a mountainous area of northwestern Guerrero in December While the data analyzed refer to a limited period of fieldwork, my many previous visits to the area allowed me to arrange the interviews and side trips necessary to substantiate this illustrative case. Moreover, I am in constant contact with participants in my research through messages and phone calls. Note that some information has been modified in order to ensure the anonymity of the place and my informants. While it is commonly argued that the prices of products can be explained exclusively on the basis of the relation between supply and demand, the reality is that various factors influence the income that producers receive for their merchandise. Pueblo Alto is a village with fewer than inhabitants, most of them mestizo ranchers, that sits at an elevation of some 2, meters 8, ft above sea level. It is located in an area of the municipality of San Miguel Totolapan, in the Sierra region, where poppy production is a well-known phenomenon. In contrast to some nearby communities, people in Pueblo Alto can be described as prosperous, as evidenced by the many four-wheel drive pick-up trucks, ample dwellings, and recently remodeled church that the visitor can see there. There is no doubt that this is a village dedicated to poppy production for almost everyone is involved in one way or another in this business that began in the mids. During my stay in Pueblo Alto, I lived in the house of one of the best-known families. In one of the many conversations I shared with members of that household, older residents recalled how they had begun to plant poppies, narrating that some men from Sinaloa came to teach local peasants the techniques for cultivating this flower. After a time, the Sinaloenses returned to their state, but local people maintained the commercial relation they had forged. A decade later, when new generations began to participate in cultivation, profits were still considerable. The buyers were still Sinaloenses, but relations were not as friendly or trusting as in the early days. People from Pueblo Alto continued to take product to northern cities, but they were no longer trafficking raw opium gum for by that time they had learned to process heroin using artisanal methods. In the last decade of the millennium and early into the 21 st century, business remained more-or-less stable, though not quite as profitable. As one interviewee said:. The current design of the productive chain and trafficking operations has also impacted the commercial value of opium gum. The role of runners is to establish links between opium gum producers and buyers. Typically, a boss tells a runner that he needs to obtain a certain number of kilos of opium gum by a certain date. When the collector has gathered the required amount, the runner arrives and gives the collector bags of money in exchange for the merchandise, which he is responsible for transporting to his boss. It is important to note that the opium productive chain is designed to ensure that no one can determine with certainty the identity of the final buyer, distributor, or criminal group involved. No one interviewed in Pueblo Alto recognized being a member of a criminal organization. Obviously, the price paid to the growers does not correspond to the amount the boss sends since these two intermediaries pocket a good share of it. It is important to note that this productive chain is designed to ensure that no one can determine with certainty the identity of the final buyer, distributor, or criminal group involved. No one I interviewed in the community of Pueblo Alto recognized being a member of a criminal organization. One runner that I interviewed by telephone explained the strategy in this way:. Not surprisingly, exchanges of information and interactions in places like Pueblo Alto are reduced to what is strictly necessary, for each individual strives to minimize the number of people who know the identities of those involved. This strategy, however, comes at a cost for it increases the number of middlemen and, with that, operating expenses. The long-term result, of course, is that the final product —processed heroin— has a market value far above the price paid to those who produce the raw material, opium gum. This is a context in which as risks increase so too does the number of intermediaries, which means lower economic benefits for the peasant amapoleros. Although during those years the economic organization of the poppy business meant that growers no longer reaped the extraordinary benefits they once did, poppy cultivation continued to be highly profitable. In , however, the price of raw material began to fall due, presumably, to the dramatic increase in demand for fentanyl, a potent synthetic opioid from Asia. The resulting economic crisis at the local level forced an exodus of young men who migrated to northern Mexico to work in factories and agribusiness operations. In the final months of prices began to recover and many of those migrants returned to their home region to renew their participation in the poppy economy. Producing this amount requires more than one hectare of land, so the profit margin is not high, especially when one takes into account expenditures on inputs like chemical fertilizers, vitamins for the soil, sprayers and hoses to carry irrigation water for the plants, and gasoline for daily trips to attend to the fields. Earnings, therefore, are far from spectacular, but opium gum has a significant advantage over other commercial products that people in Pueblo Alto could cultivate —avocado, for example— in that derivatives of poppies can be stored for a certain period of time until a buyer arrives or in the expectation that prices will improve. In the face of these conditions, producers in Pueblo Alto have developed strategies that allow them to maintain at least minimal control over the value of their merchandise. Implementing those strategies has allowed them to maintain the selling price of their opium gum above that of products from other zones on the crest of the Sierra Madre del Sur called Filo Mayor and nearby villages. I was able to identify certain factors that explain this phenomenon. The first one is that this zone has maintained a certain degree of autonomy from the influence of criminal groups and drug cartels. Since , Pueblo Alto and several neighboring communities have organized and maintained armed defense groups to guard their territory. Transactions of illicit substances are permitted, but only local residents are allowed to bear firearms or circulate in their vehicles, and everything that goes on in the villages is under constant surveillance. One particularly interesting aspect of this form of local political organization is that it has allowed residents to forge the capacity to communicate with the leaders of criminal groups. Recently, for example, the leaders of the self-defense movement held a meeting with representatives of criminal organizations dedicated to drug-trafficking in the region. They discussed several issues, including the purchase price for the opium gum produced in Pueblo Alto. In the words of the local ejidal commissioner comisario ejidal :. A second advantage is that Pueblo Alto is nestled amidst three regions controlled, effectively, by distinct criminal organizations. This strategic position, coupled with the negotiating capacity guaranteed by their self-defense forces, mean that these peasants producers are free to sell their merchandise to whoever comes with the best offer. Local political organization in Pueblo Alto has allowed residents to forge the capacity to communicate with the leaders of criminal groups. In contrast, people in communities in Filo Mayor who share this history of poppy cultivation but have been absorbed into economies that are fully monopolized by one criminal group or another have a severely restricted —or null— capacity for negotiating with buyers. In the neighboring municipality of Tlacotepec, for example, conditions are very distinct. Key differences there include the following:. From November to the present, a slight recovery of poppy production is visible in the area, and the price of opium gum has increased. Though I have no doubt that some exogenous factors are in play here —such as border closings due to the COVID pandemic 11 — during my recent ethnographic visit to producing zones, I was interested in documenting the local conditions that contribute to configuring the markets for poppy products. This perspective leads me to argue that macrosocial analyses are insufficient for explaining local realities and often fail to identify the elements that permit the formation of heterogeneous economic regions with their own, internal social dynamics. Finally, studies of that kind cannot inform us about the measures that local people implement in their efforts to overcome the conditions that relegate them to subordinate or marginal positions. In this regard, the present text has described the formation of poppy-growing subjects amapoleros as historical actors who have succeeded in accumulating some economic capital through their participation in drug-trafficking, but who have also had to defend the position they have achieved in a commercial scheme that increasingly pushes them into disadvantageous positions. Back to top of the page. Chapter 2 — Drug-trafficking and rural capitalism in Guerrero. March 7th, Development and crisis of the poppy-growing subject While it is commonly argued that the prices of products can be explained exclusively on the basis of the relation between supply and demand, the reality is that various factors influence the income that producers receive for their merchandise. The productive chain of drug-trafficking The current design of the productive chain and trafficking operations has also impacted the commercial value of opium gum. Key differences there include the following: Producers in Filo Mayor —which is more directly communicated with the state capital of Chilpancingo— find it impossible to sell their harvests to buyers who are not associated with the de facto authorities who dominate their territories and, as noted above, pay lower than free market prices. Once established, the monopolistic cartels maintain intense vigilance over the narcotic-producing territories they occupy and, therefore, on the amount of opium gum produced, making it very difficult for growers to sell their product outside that restricted market. The control exercised by drug cartels is extremely unpredictable. Some peasants have stopped participating in illicit economies because they know that continuing means being obliged to deal with actors who can behave in violent and unexpected ways Withdrawing from illicit activities is one way to evade an erratic power that seeks to impose control on them and to improve their chances of survival. Conclusion From November to the present, a slight recovery of poppy production is visible in the area, and the price of opium gum has increased. A basic feature of these kinds of tenure was that rights-holders could produce on the land, but not sell it. The post-revolutionary ejido had some similarities to private property —e. See Torres-Mazuera, G. Journal of Illicit Economies and Development, 1 3 , , This has caused great alarm and distrust among local people who are now afraid to have any dealings with him or his group.

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