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Another drug war has begun in Latin America. The newly elected president of Ecuador, Daniel Noboa, has declared a state of emergency and the military is being used to tackle violence and drug trafficking in a country that is part of the transnational cocaine smuggling trade. Ecuador will probably realise what other countries in Latin America have done: military solutions to the illicit drug problem do not work. For decades, the Colombian government has confronted powerful drug cartels and drug-related violence with a policy guided by a series of UN treaties that prohibit drugs and oblige governments to prosecute recreational drug use and production. Under the mantle of these treaties, the US has pushed Latin American governments to implement tough laws on drug use, and crackdown on drug cartels in an attempt to tackle drug trafficking and drug addiction. Governments, such as Mexico, Colombia, El Salvador and Honduras, have used their armies against drug cartels since the s. However, the use of the military in the region, with operations supported by the US Drug and Enforcement Agency , has not prevented an increase in violence in the region. In the case of Mexico, researchers have found a relationship between the deployment of the military in anti-drug operations and the rise of homicides since Nowadays, Latin America and the Caribbean is the most violent region in the world. Many of these homicides relate to the global war on drugs. Some Latin American administrations have started to push back against policies that make drugs illegal. For example, Bolivia legalised indigenous production of coca crops in Uruguay and Jamaica legalised some purchases of cannabis in and respectively. Mexico and Colombia are discussing cannabis regulation. Some of these governments, including Colombia, Mexico and Bolivia, tried to put forward a plan for a new global approach to drug use in at a UN general assembly special meeting but proponents of this failed to convince other countries to allow all types of drug decriminalisation. However, the assembly did reach an agreement to allow countries to regulate the medical uses of some previously illegal drugs such as cannabis. Since the early s, Colombia has been the epicentre of the global war on drugs. Infamously known as the centre of production of cocaine trafficked by regional criminal organisations, this country is experimenting with a peace process on two fronts: first, with the guerrillas, and second, with the drug cartels. Petro was elected with the promise to reduce the endless problem of violence. Petro was also responding to pressure from global research showing the existing policy was not working. For example, public health experts in The Lancet have argued that making drugs illegal has failed to stem drug use. There is a longstanding debate about whether proposing the end of drug prohibition — and the war on drugs as a consequence — will stop violence and reduce harmful addiction. The data seems to back up their claims that prosecuting drug consumption and production is not reducing addiction. But Petro faces an uphill battle to gather support to challenge the drug prohibition regime. But the US, which is experiencing a fentanyl opioid epidemic , is not likely to be positive about making more drugs legal. US president Joe Biden is less prone to tackle drug policy with police prosecution and his approach includes alternatives such as treating addicts in health clinics instead of incarceration. If in November Donald Trump wins the presidential election, drug policy is likely to be more militarised than ever. The former president explored using US military force in Mexico to tackle fentanyl smuggling through Mexico. He has deployed the Mexican military to reinforce drug confiscation of fentanyl after pressure from the US government. The new Argentinian president has declared he favours drug legalisation , inspired by his libertarian position. However, Argentina is facing increasing crime rates in some regions and this security challenge might dissuade him from pursing drug legalisation. Beyond the Americas, some European countries might back the initiative, such as Portugal which decriminalised personal possession of all drugs in There, possession results in confiscation or a fine, but not imprisonment. If political factors align, Petro might edge forward with his plans to tackle the global war on drugs differently. However, international tensions and the recent war in Ecuador have complicated the scenario. Hopefully, scientific evidence may force countries to consider new options. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article. Breadcrumb Home Blogs Why Colombia sees legalising drugs as the way forw Raul Zepeda Gil. Posted: 19 January Why Colombia sees legalising drugs as the way forward.

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Leaked documents provide a rare window into a little-known program in which U. A large truck carrying sacks of potatoes pulls into a warehouse in the Colombian city of Cartagena in late October Once inside, two men unload the real cargo: kilos of cocaine. They hand the drugs over to a trusted partner who has elected to transport the drugs to Spain. He does as promised — but on a commercial Iberia flight under the watch of the U. It is a secretive practice that foreign law enforcement agencies such as the DEA have been using in partnership with Colombian authorities to infiltrate criminal gangs in order to gain intelligence on their movements, and eventually make arrests. Spanish police arrested three people who arrived to pick up the delivery in a parking lot outside of Madrid. Reporters could find no published record of statistics on the practice, and the agency did not respond to questions about the program. Several of the ICD cases reviewed by reporters resulted in indictments, extradition, and conviction, suggesting the tactic can be effective. The vast majority were filed by U. Reporters found proof that at least two-thirds of the requests were approved, and discovered no documentation of any rejections. Colombian prosecutors declined to provide statistics or any other information about the program. This article is part of NarcoFiles: The New Criminal Order, a transnational investigation into modern organized crime and how it has innovated and spread throughout the globe. They then shared the leak with more than 40 other media outlets. Journalists from over 23 countries worked on the investigation, chiefly in Latin America but also in Europe and the United States. Reporters examined and corroborated the materials with hundreds of other documents, databases, and interviews. Explore the full project here. First, the DEA, or another foreign partner, informs Colombian prosecutors in a formal letter about their knowledge of a transnational crime group. They ask for specific quantities of drugs and money and the operation is often set for a period of one year. Prosecutors put the request before a special Colombian judge, who accompanies the case and can authorize wiretaps and entry into homes and offices. Once the drugs are secured — frequently with the help of an informant — the contraband can then be transported abroad, often by the DEA or to its agents in foreign countries, with the aim of investigating and arresting those on the receiving end of the transaction. In a February request, the U. The operation would see undercover agents secure the trust of the organization and agree to transport its drugs from Colombia to the U. After undergoing lab testing for authenticity, the drugs would be flown on a commercial aircraft or a plane controlled by the U. Documents reviewed by reporters did not make the outcome of the operation clear. Some requests were lighter on details. One appeal from the U. That was so broad it potentially covered almost anywhere in the Americas and nearly any form of transport. In November , for example, the U. In preparation, two Colombian agents kept nearly kilos of cocaine — about the weight of a refrigerator — stored in their unsecured office. These two agents, according to the document, were involved in at least 37 controlled deliveries operations linked to this case, which eventually led to the seizure of 1. But in the April document to the anti-narcotics director, the pair was shown being grilled about rule violations. They were later criminally convicted with falsifying documents, though they are trying to challenge the ruling. The former DEA agent, who spoke to OCCRP on condition of anonymity, highlighted an irregularity in paperwork filed for a different operation in which an agent received funds from a criminal group that were intended to finance drug trafficking activities. The file includes a handwritten receipt from the Colombian agent to the DEA documenting the cash received. The DEA declined to answer questions about the program from reporters. The recently retired agent said that these risks mean the process requires strict confidentiality, especially as the informant may continue to work with the DEA. Other DEA-run activities have come under scrutiny in the past. The former asset forfeiture unit head was convicted in October. The status of the case against the others is unclear. While similar in some respects to ICDs, the operations were not directly related. The leaked records show that Colombian agents are required to keep chain-of-custody documentation of the illicit substances used in ICDs. But the office has previously raised concerns about the program of controlled money laundering operations Irizarry had taken part in, which involved undercover financial transactions used to dismantle drug trafficking and money laundering organizations. An August report by the inspector general, for instance, found the DEA had failed to fully implement controls over those money laundering operations. Key Findings. Related Articles. In , Colombian authorities seized a large shipment of illegal shark fins destined for Hong Kong. Now, there are signs the gang may also be spreading to the U. The work of a Dutch hacker, who was hired by drug traffickers to penetrate port IT networks, reveals how this type of smuggling has become easier than ever. See the project. Reported by Kevin G. December 14th, About the Project This article is part of NarcoFiles: The New Criminal Order, a transnational investigation into modern organized crime and how it has innovated and spread throughout the globe. 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