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Ghosts of Colonial Modernity

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In West Africa Soninke merchants tended to be mobile; they established client relationships along caravan routes. Hausa traders tended to establish satellite communities of their people along major trade routes. As in any system of long-distance trade, merchants created a set of trade practices that reinforced mutual trust, minimized the risk of loss or theft and maximized profits. For most West African traders, moreover, these economic practices have been shaped by Islam, which has an explicit set of principles that govern commercial transactions. Since , thousands of West African traders have come to North America. Using New York City as a base of operations, these entrepreneurs have set up North American trade networks fundamentally based upon the time-honored trade practices of their forebears. They have built these contemporary networks to market Afrocentricity. In this paper, which is based upon a six year period of field research mostly in New York City, but also in Philadelphia, Washington D. Each morning they unloaded their wares and set up their display on rickety aluminum tables; each evening they folded their tables, packed up the van and parked it in a th Street garage. Many of the baseball caps carried the logos of professional and college sports teams. He had heard that Malcolm X had preached on the streets of Harlem and that he founded the Mosque on th Street and Lenox and that he had been assassinated. Originals come from Spike Lee. Copies come from Koreans off Broadway. In West Africa, Sonnike merchants tended to be mobile; they established client relationships along caravan routes. As in any system of long-distance trade, merchants created a set of trade practices that reinforced mutual trust, minimized the risk of loss and maximized profits. For most West African traders, moreover, these economic practices have also been shaped by Islam, which has an explicit set of principles that governs commercial transactions. Using New York City as a base of operations, these entrepreneurs have set up North American trade networks the workings of which are fundamentally based upon the time-honored practices of their forebears. In this essay, which is based on fieldwork in New York City between and , I explore the relationship among Afrocentricity, the West African simulation of an imagined Africa, and the operation of West Africa trade networks in North America. He did not assert the development of national culture as a result of economic necessity. He neither tried to prove nor would he have been so inclined to prove that historical events were always caused by economic necessity. In reality, Malcolm was an astute observer of the historical conditions of African-Americans and he saw that in the serious reconstruction of African culture, the struggle for power and the ability to create categories which are accepted by others frequently played a much more important role than economic necessity. Beyond this, however, was his insistence on African cultural autonomy by which he meant all things considered cosmological, axiological, epistemological and aesthetical. Given such autonomy it was possible to imagine a culture of resistance as well as a reconstructive culture Asante Blood soaks into the earth where X marks the spot; it nourishes the land and makes it fertile for planting see Stoller ; Coombe and Stoller As a consequence, the image, likeness, names, and meaning of Malcolm X has been an ongoing arena of political and legal controversy. The late Dr. A licensing manager was hired when all assortments of unlicensed X merchandise — even Malcolm X potato chips — began to appear on the streets of New York and other North American cities. By October of , thirty-five licensees had signed contracts, and seventy more were negotiating contracts Sullivan This licensing, of course, did not prevent trade in counterfeit Malcolm X goods. For Asante and other scholars this trend may well be disturbing, for it transfers the force of Afrocentrism from the reconstruction of a historically profound Afrocentric culture among African-Americans to the commodification of increasingly diluted Afrocentric symbols in the commercial mainstream of North American social life. As a consequence, the essential components of Afrocentrism are sometimes lost amid the hype and hoopla of commodification. Asante says that Afrocentrism is primarily epistemological — a set of guidelines one can use to interpret a wide variety of data. In essence,. Afrocentricity is a perspective which allows Africans to be subjects of historical experiences rather than objects on the fringes of Europe. This means that the Afrocentrist is concerned with discovering in every case the centered place of the African Asante 2. Put another way, Asante suggests that one needs to use an African lens, shaped through African ideas, to interpret data on African or African-American social life and culture. These concepts include:. The transformation of these concepts throughout Africa and the African world has meant that the influence of Kemet continues unabated even in the language and behavior of African-Americans. But Afrocentrism is more than the exercise of employing these core principles to the scholarly analysis of things African and African-American; it is also the attempt to extend them to African-Americans through ritual. For Karenga, these values are best articulated in Swahili, one of the most widely spoken languages in Africa. The seven core principles or Nguzo Saba are:. On day one, for example, which celebrates the umoja principle, people are urged to celebrate in some fashion the principle of unity. On day seven, imani , people express their faith through the exchange of preferably homemade gifts. It was at the same time a political act of self-determination. The question is how to make our own unique culture. At first Kwanzaa drew about celebrants. In an estimated 10 million African-Americans celebrated Kwanzaa. In some sense Kwanzaa What was conceived This fact has two social ramifications: a Kwanzaa is increasingly celebrated by middle class African-Americans who have a great deal of money to spend and b the holiday has become increasingly commercial. Wilde African-American culture is so strongly identified with a culture of poverty and degradation Louis, sees the mass appeal of Kwanzaa somewhat differently from Gates and Appiah. He writes:. Racial piety also permeates the Kwanzaa principles. Such simple maxims are the sort of earnest ideals that are difficult to oppose or argue with. No one questions whether they really have any connection to the complexity of modern African-American life. The genius of Kwanzaa — the reason it has taken on the air of a mass movement — is that these rather innocuous principles are joined with an historical complaint, one that blacks have long harbored, against the cultural celebration of Christmas Early During Kwanzaa, Afrocentric symbols including strips of kente cloth, Hallmark Kwanzaa greeting cards, gift wraps and Nia Umoja, a white bearded doll that symbolizes the wisdom of African storytellers, are easily found in gift shops, book stores, drug stores, supermarkets as well as in such stalwart American stores as Sears, J. Penny and Montgomery Ward. Afrocentric products are also highly visible at various Kwanzaa Expos. Among the most firmly established of these is the Kwanzaa Expo in St. Louis, established in It draws some merchants and perhaps 35, people during its two-day run Wilde What had been a small commercial gathering needed a larger venue to make space for more than vendors and 50, shoppers. And no wonder In the New York Kwanzaa Expo featured elaborate arrays of Afrocentric books, cloth, and crafts — all meant to symbolize in some fashion the seven principles of Kwanzaa. In December , however, they chose not to attend the event at the Jacob Javits Center. They are, of course, not alone in this realization. Many African-American entrepreneurs are seeking profits by marketing Afrocentricity. Five years ago, brightly colored hand-woven Kente cloth, brimless Kufi hats, earthy mud cloths from Ghana and Senegal and bone-toned cowry shell jewelry appeared to be a nostalgic way of dressing among African-Americans. Instead of a short-term fad, these elements have formed an exciting new trend — the Afrocentric lifestyle. African-Americans have placed ethnic products high on their shopping lists. Many African-Americans are cashing in on this market. For these new black-owned businesses, the key to retailing success lies in selling ethnic products in large volume. But while the spirit is willing, their pockets are not always as deep. To take their message and products to market, many black-owned companies are forming joint ventures with majority-owned corporations, from manufacturing to retail, to underwrite their production, marketing and distribution efforts Wilkinson Timothy L. Jenkings, writing in a issue American Visions is concerned about dilution of African symbolism in African-America. African-Americans are not the only consumers attracted to diluted symbols or products — Afrocentric or otherwise. Throughout the world people are increasingingly drawn to the copy of the original, to the simulation of the real see Baudrillard , ; Harvey ; Coombe , ; Connor Much of this fascination with the copy can be traced to the emergence in the 20 th century of mechanical reproduction, the cinematic image in the theater. The allure of the copy has been further intensified through electronic reproduction, the computer image on the information superhighway. He says that mimicry is about power. To copy something is to master it. But once it is made, the copy influences the original. The representation gains or shares in the power of the represented and image affects that of what it is an image see Coombe ; see also Taussig In her work on the cultural and political signification of trademarks and copyrights, Rosemary Coombe has focused on how the mimetic faculty affects the political and economic impact of trademarks. In contemporary commercial arenas like a Kwanzaa Expo or the Malcolm Shabazz Harlem Market, Coombe demonstrates how the trademark, which is an image, links the copy with its originator. A mark must attract the consumer to a particular source that, in mass markets, is often unknown and distant. A logo registers fidelity in at least two senses. It operates as a signature of authenticity, indicating that the good that bears it is true to its origins — that is, that the good is a true or accurate copy. It is exactly the same as another good bearing the same mark, and different from other goods carrying other marks these are both fictions, of course, but ones that are legally recognized and maintained. The mark also configures fidelity in a second sense; it registers a real contact, a making, a moment of imprinting by one for whom it acts as a kind of fingerprint — branding. But if the mark figures fidelity, it also inspires fidelity in the form of brand loyalty. The consumer seeks it out, domesticates it, and provides it with protective shelter; he makes a form of bodily contact with it. The mark distinguishes the copy by connecting it to an originator and connecting the originator with a moment of consumption Coombe The same can be said of Kwanzaa, which, like all celebrations is, in a paraphrase of Eric Hobsbawm and Terrance Ranger, an invented holiday. To maximize their economic opportunities to market Afrocentricity, West African traders in New York have constructed long distance trade networks throughout the United States. These networks enable the traders to follow the cycle of African-American professional and cultural festivals. Enterprising West African entrepreneurs used this resource that lists the dates, locales, contact people and booth fees for more than vending opportunities to help chart their long-distance trading itineraries. In the spring, summer and fall of , for example, a crew of four Nigerian traders, Hausas all, spent much of their time circulating among African-American festivals in the East, South and Midwest of the United States. In Chicago, one of their best markets, they set up shop at the African Festival of the Arts. They also followed the Black Expo, USA circuit, a traveling exposition that attracts large crowds of African-Americans to regionally organized trade shows that feature and celebrate African-American businesses. Very beautiful New Mexico. When he travels, he helps his clients load their wares, drives them to their destination, and helps to unload the cargo. He expects clients to pay him a fee for his services; he also insists that they pay for gas, tolls, potential repairs and lodging. Driving is my life; it gives me strength. I like the feeling I get on the road. It makes me feel free. When I went to New Mexico, I made the round trip in only three days. He also transports itinerant West African art merchants. These merchants, who will be the subject of a future study, do not reside in the United States. They come to North America on bonafide business visas for three to six months during which they wholesale African Art to North American distributors, to galleries of African Art, to boutiques or to private clients. At these outposts they sell African crafts at local markets and festivals, form wholesale enterprises or establish small boutiques. The reception of traveling traders by their local hosts entails some, if not all of the following:. These long-distance trading relationships are facilitated by real or fictive ties of kinship, which encompass a mutually binding set of rights and obligations. In North America, these West African long distance trading patterns sometimes have been replicated in modified form. One is in Philadelphia; the other lives in Minneapolis. He also has a cousin who lives in Chicago. When he travels to Philadelphia or Chicago, he relies on his kin. He is also their principal wholesale supplier. Most of the traders, however, do not have blood kin in major markets outside of New York City. They rely upon fictive ties born of their shared experience in West Africa and of their commercial expectations as pious Muslims to create a code of mutually binding rights and obligations. In the latter case, hosts who are not blood kin with traveling traders will facilitate the business of their partners but may not house or feed them. For this reason, most traveling traders are prepared to spend several nights at cheap hotels, where four or five of them will share a room. The reason for these inequities in hospitality is that in New York City there are many traders who have apartments — and subsequently space — in Harlem, the Bronx and Brooklyn. Unless visitors have blood kin residing in a place like Chicago, for example, they expect to stay in inexpensive hotels. First, ethnicity and national origin have become more important than kinship as criteria for membership in North American networks. Second, the North American networks are plugged into economic circuits of greater global dimensions. West African traders in North American are connected to Middle Eastern, Latin American, and Asian networks through an impressive utilization of modern telecommunications. In short, the past is present — with several important twists — in West African trading networks in North America. These principles, borrowed from Ancient Egypt or Kemet, are applied not only to scholarly activities, but have been extended to such public policy issues as the curricula in public schools as well as to such public celebrations as Kwanzaa. Afrocentrism also generates ethnic pride: pride in the past greatness and current wisdom of African civilization. Pride in things African — or quasi-African — also generates economic potential. African-American entrepreneurs have found their niche in this market and have, accordingly, expanded their Afrocentric-oriented companies as well as their Afrocentric-produced profits. The African goods, ersatz kente cloth scarves, combs, trade beads, leather goods Knowing what forms Africa must take for an African-American market, they produce generic items that are marked neither by artist, village, cultural area or region. Their distinction lies in their being African — a monolithic cultural whole in the Afrocentric imaginary Coombe and Stoller West African vendors. They, however, may have less at stake in maintaining a Knowing something about the history and plight of African-Americans a few In the Harlem market context they are prepared to renounce recognition of the complexities of the Africa from which they come, and make a gift of the more unencumbered significance it has acquired in the local community Coombe and Stoller African-American and African entrepreneurs have exploited the opportunities that Afrocentrism has presented them. Realizing a new niche for considerable profits, Corporate America is now producing, marketing and selling Afrocentic products. Saying that marketing Afrocentricity is simply an economically astute response to a changing economic market, of course, does not explain the considerable success of the venture. An Afrocentric reading of this marketing success might suggest that the widespread contemporary appeal of African material culture in North America — however expressed — is generated by the vitality of African social life and the philosophy that it embodies; it also creates a proud link between Africa and Africa America. One cannot deny the appeal of Afrocentric products in North America. And one cannot ignore the expressive vitality of Afrocentric products. And yet, the reading does not consider the ironies of real Africans selling Afrocentric products, representing a monolithic Africa, that are not only made in Africa, but also in Asia and New Jersey, where Asians once reproduced Ghanaian kente cloth. When a West African. The ironies of its traffic through export processing zones in Asia, factories in New Jersey, wholesalers in Chinatown, West African vendors in Harlem and the African-American cultural community do not enable any singular conclusion When patients feign an illness, says Baudrillard, they make-believe that they are sick. When patients simulate an illness, they reproduce some of the symptoms. Baudrillard In simulatory cyberspace the distinction between the real and unreal becomes superfluous. At the very limit of this process of reproducibility the real is not only what can be reproduced, but that which is always already reproduced. The hyper real Baudrillard It is thus that for guilt, anguish and death there can be substituted the total joy of the signs of guilt, despair, violence and death. It is the very euphoria of simulation, that sees itself as the abolition of cause and effect, the beginning and the end, for all of which it substitutes reduplication The transition from signs, which dissimulate something to signs that dissimulate that there is nothing, marks a decisive turning point. The first implies a theology of truth and secrecy to which the notion of ideology still belongs. The second inaugurates the age of simulacra and simulation, in which there is no longer any God to recognize his own, nor any last judgment to separate true from false, real from its artificial resurrection, since everything is already dead and risen in advance. When the real is no longer what it used to be, nostalgia assumes its full meaning. There is a proliferation of myths of origin and signs of reality; of second-hand truth, objectivity and authenticity. There is an escalation of the true, of the lived experience; a resurrection of the figurative where the object and substance have disappeared Baudrillard Using a less bombastic language, Manuel Castells positions the collective simulation processes isolated by Baudrillard in what the former calls the information age. In the information age globalising forces compel the construction of social identities not based upon civil society, but upon communal principles. In Castells language, global forces, such as those that brought West African traders to New York City, compel civil societies to. The search for meaning takes place then in the reconstruction of defensive identities around communal principles Castells The ideal Africa articulated in Afrocentric signs is one in which, to paraphrase Baudrillard, nostalgia is energized, in which In Afrocentrism, African values, mores, and ideas, do not come from an Africa of the recent past, but have their origin in distant times. From an Afrocentric vantage, these signs embody the communal principles of a proud Africa America; they lend a strong hand to African-Americans as they con-front the profound difficulty of being a black person in a fundamentally racist society. By the same token, as these signs are commodified in a simulated system of signs, the reduplicatory power of the Afrocentric image overwhelms the referential power of the Afrocentric philosophical principle. Kente may stand for a casual African-American take on Africanity rather than a symbol of Asante nobility. Through the circulation of reduplicated signs in the media marketing Afrocentricity creates in North America a simulated Africa. And then there are the African markets in Harlem. The th Street market, called the African market, was until October a simulation of an African market. The spatial organization and informal dynamics of the market replicated spatial organization and informal dynamics of markets in West Africa. On th street, the cultural crossroads of Africa America, Hausa, Songhay, Fulan, Malinke, and Wolof merchants, self-constructed as monolithic Africans, sold Africana of no distinct ethnic origin to appeal to the ideological popularity of a monolithic Afrocentric Africa. They burned African incense to evoke the Motherland. Indeed, the Harlem markets direct a circulation of ecstatic signs in which difference is diluted to promote economic activity and profits. By understanding the importance of the simulation in modern times, West African merchants, who like their forebears, are known for their economic adaptability, have marketed Afrocentricity and enhanced profoundly the profitability of their enterprises in North America. They are, in fact, dynamic local-level contributors to the global economy, who implicitly understand the power and ecstasy of the sign. One day I asked him why he burned it. I think they like that. And things that remind the African-Americans about Africa is good for business. Capitalizing upon his Africanity and the fact that he lives in Harlem, the cultural epicenter of Africa America, he and his compatriots have constructed long-distance trade networks throughout North America to facilitate the sale of their goods at African-American festivals. Like the Harlem markets on th Street and th street and Lenox Avenue, these festivals are, in fact, simulations of West African markets. Like all simulations in the age of commodified signs, these African examples in the New World have made America a sweet land of opportunity that each year attracts thousands of new West African immigrants to its shores. Asante seemingly overlooks the fact that critiques of European constructivism have a long history along the side roads of social theory. One thinks here of the critical philosophies of Montaigne, Nietzsche, Heidegger and their philosophical successors, especially Merleau-Ponty , and Foucault In one way or another these thinkers challenged the hegemony of European constructivist and positivist philosophy. Following the work of Jacques Derrida, especially in Of Grammatology and The Post Card there has been a sustained critique of a modernist philosophical edifice founded upon what Derrida calls logocentrism. In the United States the work of Richard Rorty, especially his monumental Philosophy and the Mirror of Nature , has powerfully deconstructed the very epistemological edifice that Asante critiques. In essence, a postmodern critique, like that of Asante, underscores the complexity of thought and social life as well as the need to recognize, if not embrace, the fragmented nature and particularistic richness of social thought and social life. For the past twenty years, in fact, anthropologists have seriously questioned the Eurocentric bias of their discipline, which has had many ramifications in the practice of fieldwork as well as in representational strategies see Marcus and Fischer ; Clifford and Marcus ; Tyler ; Stoller , , to cite only a few of very many titles. From an epistemological vantage, then, it is wrong to think or imply that Afrocentrism is a lonely, isolated reaction to or corrective of Eurocentric modernist philosophies. It is, rather, part of an ever-growing disenchantment with the philosophical legacy of the Enlightenment. Applied to scholarship, the creation of rituals, or the promotion of social policy, these Afrocentric principles are, like many Afrocentric products, reproductions, copies of dense and nuanced African systems of thought. Given the power of the copy in the globalized context of postmodernity, Afrocentrism becomes a system of signs that is transformed into a simulation of reality. Like so many contemporary social movements, Afrocentrism become hyper real. Privacy Policy — About Cookies — Assinalar um problema. Mirrors of the Empire. Paul Stoller. Mapa Afrocentricity. Texto integral PDF 88k Partilhar por e-mail. Asante seemingly overlooks the fact that critiques of European constructivism have a long his Siga-nos Feed RSS. Newsletter informativa Newsletter da OpenEdition. Em todo OpenEdtion. Todo OpenEdition. OpenEdition Freemium. OpenEdition Search Boletim informativo.

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