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And we are complicit in this violence and mayhem. W hat happened in Ecuador a few weeks ago, when the country descended into gang violence and TV journalists were seen by millions cowering in front of people pointing high-powered weapons at their heads, was described in many ways. It had never happened in this form, on this scale, anywhere else. It was not comparable to the uprisings that came before. The only goals of the drug-trafficking cartels are to force political and economic power to negotiate, to obtain impunity, to have room for manoeuvre to defend their own affairs and, ultimately, to remind politicians of any orientation that their legitimation is possible only by consent of the cartels. There were at least 75 deaths , but it was a momentary insurgency of the ghettoes ruled by Dudus. All of these incidents have one element in common: when governments disadvantage the interests of criminal groups or favour the extradition of bosses, the cartels intervene with the same methods that they would use if they were facing criminal rivals — as equals. The drug coup has one strategy — to generate chaos, violence, fear and terror — and the approach is simple: shoot anyone, litter the streets with bombs, make the prisons riot, make ordinary life impossible. There is no military direction, the tools are basic. Every trafficker can draw inspiration from what they see other members doing on social networks; it is therefore impossible to break the chain of command. Fito escaped from prison in Guayaquil but no one noticed until 7 January, just before he was due to be transferred to a high-security prison. When the Ecuadorian president, Daniel Noboa, learned of the escape, he declared a state of emergency for 60 days. That decision led to the insurrection. It is easy to understand why: a state of emergency means a halt to the activities of the cartel, with millions of dollars lost every day, and this may well have prompted someone to betray Fito — by killing him or handing him over to the police — to be able to resume business. These are the rules of mafia capitalism: loyalty only to the power that allows you to do business. Fito would have ordered the insurrection to save himself. They hoped to find a new hub for the shipment of coca to North America, and especially to Europe and Asia, but there was another reason. A large proportion of the coca departed from Venezuela, a failed state with a criminal cartel completely allied to the military, the Cartel de los Soles Cartel of the Suns , which through managing the transportation of coca drives up the price. To end that control, from the Sinaloa cartel started talking with a small criminal group in Ecuador: Los Choneros. That first conversation involved 10 people. Los Choneros fulfilled that task, so Sinaloa gave it an additional duty: to refine the coca that passes from Colombia to Ecuador. Then the big task: after storage and refining came shipment, as Los Choneros managed to gain control of the ports. Two incidents in recent years tell us much about the centrality of Ecuador in the drug trade: a shipment seized in heading for Georgia , and another shipment seized in May by authorities in Armenia. Ecuadorian or Mexican drug trafficking has started to fill eastern Europe with coca, capitalising on the scarcity of port controls after Covid and the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. So how did the government of Ecuador react to the drug coup? Exactly as the cartel expected: with an escalation of violence. But this will not resolve things: Los Choneros has priced in the carnage in its ranks, but it knows that the government will have to negotiate sooner or later. The violence is ingrained. In August, Fernando Villavicencio, the most significant rival of the current president, was killed , with the Ecuadorian cartels thought to be responsible. Of these, Villavicencio is interesting because he wanted to strengthen relations with Britain. More than 18 tonnes of cocaine were seized in England and Wales in the year ending March , much of which — according to the National Crime Agency — was handled by the Albanian cartels who source their supplies in Ecuador. In fact, the base of one of the most organised groups of the Albanian mafia, Kompania Bello , was moved to Ecuador. An exodus of drug traffickers from every part of the world to the coast of Ecuador is due to the increase in cocaine production. This figure has not stopped growing. Ecuador seized world headlines on the day the TV studios were invaded but the world has moved on — not least because in the comfort of Europe, we have afforded ourselves the luxury of ignoring these killings, and even more so to the growing demand for cocaine coming from every corner of the world. That demand comes from our place of comfort. We have been unable, perhaps unwilling, to truly analyse what is occurring. As a result, we have allowed the criminal cartels to eat western democracies from the inside. What is happening in Ecuador is a story that concerns everyone, because drug use is not an exception now but the norm. Last year, an international study found that British people have become the second-biggest cocaine users in the world. And it is not just a moral issue, because drug trafficking and mafias mean doped markets, businesses with unfair competition, corruption and manipulation of public consensus, and, ultimately, the destruction of democratic rules of government. The absence of serious reflection on drug addiction and consumption, of meaningful discussion on drug legalisation, leads exactly to what is happening in Mexico and Ecuador. Pay attention to the violent scenes on the streets of Ecuador and you will understand what mafias are capable of. We have two paths ahead of us: we either deal seriously with drug trafficking, or drug trafficking will continue, by military means, to occupy democracy — or what remains of it. Do you have an opinion on the issues raised in this article? If you would like to submit a response of up to words by email to be considered for publication in our letters section, please click here. Plainclothes police arrest suspects in Guayaquil, Ecuador, amid surging gang violence in the South American country. This article is more than 8 months old. Roberto Saviano. View image in fullscreen. Read more. Reuse this content. Most viewed.

This Is What It’s Like Trying to Buy Drugs During Venezuela’s Economic Crisis

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She is on the hunt for some crack or some bazuco , a type of smokable coca paste used by the poorest in the country. Due to spiralling poverty in Venezuela, those with addictions are struggling more than ever to come up with the money to buy drugs. But the bazuco dealers are different. They will take any payment. As well as bolivar notes, they also take food products in exchange for drugs, like corn flour or rice. It is bizarre that in a country next door to Colombia, the biggest cocaine producer in the world, most people in Venezuela struggle to afford even low grade cocaine products such as bazuco. One way drug users have found, amid the chaos of hyperinflation, to gather the money needed to keep the drug market afloat is at the huge, snaking queues of cars and trucks outside gas stations. Venezuela suffers, among many other things, from a severe shortage of fuel. Gas stations get fuel maybe once a week, making queues that can last days and can be several kilometers long. People fight for spots and have to sleep in their cars. But this situation has created a new way of scraping together cash for people in need of drugs. David is a year-old unemployed handy man. In Maracaibo, the market for heroin has almost completely collapsed due to the economic and migratory meltdown. We could only find one place selling it. Bazuco tends to disappear for a couple of days at a time when the price of the dollar goes down. Not everyone finds it hard to afford drugs. I spoke to one of several high-end dealers in the city who deliver to upper- and middle-class cocaine users and use the banking app Zelle. He does not have huge numbers of customers, but they spend enough to sustain a niche market. Yet there is one thing in common among five dealers I spoke to: No matter what they sell, none of them are doing better than five years ago. All of them miss their clients, many of whom, out of desperation, have migrated away from the crisis in this county to live abroad. They can even pinpoint where in the world their buyers have ended up, missing them as if they are family. The sheer size of Caracas and the professionalization of its drug market has made it more resilient than regional markets, said Antillano. The market is mainly reliant on weed sales, with cocaine uncommon and heroin even more so. In cities such as Merida in the Andes, or Cumana in the east, things are more like Maracaibo, according to local drug treatment agencies. Back in Maracaibo, Poly finished her Tuesday empty handed, and desperately called her boss to change the payment to cash, which she managed. So the next day we made the walk yet again. No one had any change. It happens with food. It happens with crack. But Poly was finally happy, taking some 24 hours and surely 10 kilometers of walking to score once. By Manisha Krishnan. By Nathaniel Janowitz. By Max Daly. Share: X Facebook Share Copied to clipboard. Videos by VICE. Read Next.

Buy Cocaine Venezuela