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When strolling through Las Margaritas, a neighborhood of over 15, people in the city of Soyapango, El Salvador, crossing paths with the MS13 is all but assured. There, almost all facets of daily life are linked to the gang in one way or another. If someone wants to buy the most essential of items, such as gasoline, they must go through the MS13, which distributes tanks full of fuel to local shops. If they want bread, the gang also provides, from one of at least three MS13 bakeries in the community. There are other bakeries, of course, but they buy their flour exclusively from the gang. The same goes for public transport. If someone wants to leave Las Margaritas but does not have a car, they have just two options: use a taxi belonging to the gang or board a bus on one of two routes out, both systematically extorted by the MS This chapter looks at how the MS13 has taken over aspects of the trash recycling sector in Honduras and connections between the gang and the highest rungs of Honduran politics and business. Read the complete investigation here or download the full PDF. Even those lucky enough to have their own vehicle cannot escape the gang. Motorcycles in need of spare parts or a simple oil change can be serviced at one of three garages belonging to the MS The same goes for a rock of crack or a line of cocaine. Those with lesser vices, like sipping a cold beer, can also buy from the MS And with Las Margaritas lacking drinkable tap water, the MS13 has its own supply of bottled water to sell. But it was not always like this. The woman, who has lived in Las Margaritas for decades, says she has seen the MS13 grow from a band of young men loitering on street corners to an all-powerful mafia in control of her life and that of thousands more in the neighborhood. Hutch is a former member of the MS However, after becoming one of the most important members of the gang, Hutch switched sides and sought to bring down the most powerful emeeses in El Salvador. It did not go well. Now, after spending 21 years in prison, Hutch has a target on his back. InSight Crime spoke with Hutch in a dimly lit bar, one of those hidden dens where couples in an illicit tryst might meet in secret, somewhere in El Salvador in August Hutch carefully weighs up everything he does. He is acutely aware of the risks he faces and asked to meet somewhere where he could easily hop a fence and escape. He never settles. If the waiter approaches, he falls quiet. If I reach into my bag, he tenses up and watches my hand, like a cat ready to pounce. He seems like a predator trapped in a cage. Hutch explains that the MS13 hierarchy in Las Margaritas is well-defined. Hutch belonged to the latter. They each have an illustrious history in the underworld, controlling vast parts of Las Margaritas and each with their own leader and support base. Within the gang, there is no room for indecisive leadership or lukewarm members. From the moment someone signals they want to join the gang, there is no turning back. The gang works like an anthill, where no individual is more important than the colony, and where the sacrifice of some might be needed for the rest to thrive. At the bottom of the anthill lie the paros. These are local residents, often minors, who are not formally part of the gang but carry out favors for fully-fledged members. Depending on how often they are called upon, they can also become a paro firme reliable. Then come the postes , teenagers seeking to prove their worth and join the gang. They report on neighborhood goings-on, from police incursions to sightings of unknown vehicles. And when they have shown a keen mind, someone might ask them if they plan on remaining in that post forever or if they want to be a chequeo? Chequeos are youngsters between 15 and 20 years old, who started off as paros and spent several years as postes. They can be relied on to handle more important tasks. They have shown they can be trusted, and that they can kill. They are ready for action and to start earning for the gang. They have earned higher privileges, such as attending a miring gang meetings. The chequeo has the authority to strike against any person in the neighborhood whose intentions are deemed hostile. The chequeo is, essentially, a member of the MS If you feel a chequeo can kill without fuss, you can give him a tougher assignment, like killing a cop or a guard. If he comes back alive, he can go on to be a homeboy. It takes around six years of experience for a chequeo to become a homeboy. They have killed at least three people and demonstrated their commitment to the MS Most members are paros, postes and chequeos, with the majority of the homeboys in prison. They make up the bulk of the social circle surrounding the gang. Women can also be asked to hide weapons or to open bank accounts in their name, for the gang to use. Women are an important part of the MS13, but they are by no means protagonists. At the upper echelons of the cliques in Las Margaritas, and across the country, are the bosses, or ranfleros. With two bosses ordinarily assigned to each clique, they are in charge of organization and management. The other boss is in prison, the pair working together to dominate a large chunk of territory. Yet the overall number of homeboys and ranfleros has declined in recent years. Hardiline state measures aimed at cutting communication between gang members in jail and those on the outside appear to have been effective. Starting in , the jails housing gang members came under increasingly tight controlled. This has been one of the most profound changes within the MS13 in recent years, according to official sources and gang members who spoke to InSight Crime. He was a poor kid from Soyapango who came from a poor home and went to a poor school. Nothing much worth remembering, he says. In the early s, waves of deported gang members arrived in El Salvador and booted out the local gangs that once dominated Las Margaritas. These smaller groups were progressively wiped out, their territory and members going to the MS13 or arch rivals the 18th Street Barrio 18 , the other great California-born gang that spread across Central America. At the time, the MS13 was still little more than a group of young men who had all been deported from Los Angeles. Hutch jumped right in. Twelve homeboys pounded him in succession, in groups of four, he told me. Then he received his taca nickname and became part of the gang collective. Gaining that membership was a big deal in Soyapango and El Salvador as a whole. Hutch was now part of the anthill. He then met Mauricio Solano, one of the hundreds of MS13 members deported in the early s. Solano was taller than most and, from a young age, showed a predilection for fights, knives, marijuana and the streets. Ironically, to save him from gangs, they had sent him to the Mecca for gangs of all shapes and sizes. Mauricio Solano was one of the first emeeses, entering the gang when it was little more than a group of Satanic heavy metal aficionados. When Solano entered, the rites and meetings took place in cemeteries, and the MS the 13 was added later was little more than a local problem for police. Ozi was a visionary in the gang world, he was one of the first to tattoo his face. After spending three years in prison in Los Angeles, he returned to El Salvador in But unlike most deported emeeses, who saw a return to the country they once fled as a curse, Ozi saw an opportunity. Most returning gang members simply replicated their stateside cliques in El Salvador, such as the Normandie, Fulton, Novena and Ozi took a different approach, creating local cliques, named after the territory they now wanted to control. He became a reference for many MS13 members and was seen as a symbol of leadership and modernity by local gangs. At least two dozen emeeses interviewed by InSight Crime in recent years agree that, in the early s, Ozi was the closest thing to a leader the MS13 had in El Salvador. They were ready to absorb the knowledge and the culture of the deported but not their orders. The prison bosses there had a feud with Ozi and he was stabbed to death just 40 minutes after arriving at the jail. The California-born gangs did not control the prisons yet. That would come later. He was barely recognizable. But, by then, Ozi had left behind a trail of cliques throughout El Salvador and set off a gang movement that would be impossible to stop. He returned to El Salvador in , at the age of thirteen. For over two decades, Diablito has been one of the most powerful and influential men in El Salvador. But in the mids, he was simply a gang member with minimal clout. But in no time at all, this young emeese started his own clique in Las Margaritas, the Big Crazys, which Hutch would join two years later. Hutch was told to spread the word far and wide that this clique had been founded by Diablito de Hollywood. And the leader would soon replicate his success throughout the capital and western El Salvador, starting up new cliques as he went. Because of him, the MS13 spread like a virus among the young men of El Salvador. Back in the s, the MS13 provided little financial gain for its young members. It was up to every gang member to pay a fee. We had to pay colones to the clique every Sunday. At the time, being a gang member did not bring with it improved economic status. It was rather a refuge where young men could find prestige, respect, a sense of belonging, a family. Veterans from the s also speak of a feeling of solidarity between the first Salvadoran homeboys. In , Hutch was arrested and sentenced for a long list of crimes, including a number of murders. Thus began his odyssey through the Salvadoran prison system, where gangs were pariahs. The prison bosses at the time shunned and mistreated them. Being a gang member was nothing to brag about in the prison world. Criminals they might be, but penniless ones. The MS13 was something of a clandestine unit within Salvadoran prisons. To shake this predicament, the gang had to create a hierarchy and a communications system without the prison bosses catching on. This new structure not only allowed the MS13 to carry out more comprehensive attacks on their rivals Barrio 18, but also laid the foundation for the gang to start earning real money. From behind bars, the clique leaders fashioned a system for sending orders to homeboys on the street. Hutch was one those leaders. He ordered his followers in Las Margaritas to make lists of all legal and illicit businesses in and around the neighborhood, along with the names and phone numbers of the owners. Those in jail made the calls, the victims paid up, those on the streets collected the rent and those in jail allocated the resources. A vicious circle, if ever there was one. The first to be extorted were local drug peddlers. They were easy prey as the traffickers generally had no way of retaliating, nor could they go to the police. Next came the bus companies, and then anyone with any type of business in gang territory. Hutch decided to open three bars in Soyapango. He also purchased four Toyota Hilux pick-up trucks at auctions in California and resold them in El Salvador. This also meant the Big Crazys had to arm up to protect what they had earned and stolen. The Big Crazys cooked this cocaine and turned into crack. This, in turn, allowed the clique to bring in more chequeos and take over more territory. Many others became dependent on this criminal economy. Over time, the MS13 evolved. No longer a refuge for teenagers seeking respect, it became a mafia. The prosecutor is chatty, one of those sources who when asked a sole question starts to give answers on a range of topics in a structured way. He speaks clearly, without getting lost in technicalities. He also possesses that unique linguistic quality of cursing on every fourth word. His work, for years now, has been to track the gangs through their money. He seeks to know where and how they launder, invest and spend it. For the last six years, he has been devoted to hunting the MS According to his information, the cliques in Las Margaritas have bought vehicles in the last two years, putting them to use as taxis or with Uber. Most MS13 cliques take part in this business, he says, but not on this scale. But beyond owning businesses and extorting others, he believes the MS13 has pumped their money into a broad investment portfolio spanning all corners of El Salvador. At least one mayor and two municipal employees, in San Salvador and other major cities, told InSight Crime that a decent chunk of their municipality was under near-total MS13 control. While extortion continued to be a major earner throughout the country in , the gang has now learned that it is far more lucrative, and far less dangerous, to look at other kinds of business. They are no longer spending the extortion earnings but investing them cautiously. The documents show how maximizing profit has become an obsession for gang leaders. It also shows how numerous assassinations carried out by MS13 members against their own brethren were done over money issues. The gang was biting its own tail. The founder of the Sancocos Locos, one of the most important cliques in the country, he was a highly influential leader of the MS13 from until He now lives in a closed-off condominium, with private security guards at the door. We will refer to him as Witness, having pledged to keep his identity secure. However, the MS13 knows very well who he is, according to the prosecutor, Hutch, other judicial sources and at least five other MS13 members. Witness was one of the first emeeses in El Salvador and he was one of the first to teach the gang how to traffic cocaine and its derivatives. He set up trafficking routes and business deals with local traffickers and others in Guatemala. He taught others how to turn cocaine into crack to get better returns. The same group now led by Diablito de Hollywood. Witness also pushed hard for the cliques to adopt the pyramid structure that allowed the MS13 to spread in the s. Witness said he spent much of his life in prison, from to In , Diablito demanded that Witness turn over all his drug trafficking routes and contacts in the world of cocaine distribution. But Witness refused. He considered himself a cut above the average gangster, and saw himself as a man of prestige and power within the MS Diablito sentenced him to death. Although Witness was able to stave off being killed, he lost all privileges within the gang when he got out of jail and was treated as if he was a chequeo. Witness turned himself in to the police, deserting the gang. Investigators welcomed him and met almost his every demand in exchange for information on the MS13, how it was organized, how it did business, and its ties to politicians, businessmen, churches and drug traffickers. One of his demands was a private residence, which he obtained and where he met with InSight Crime, as well as armed bodyguards to protect him. However, it was not a one-way street. Witness swore that the investigators kept all of his money, along with his information. They also kept some drugs and even weapons. But anyway, it is what it is, what can I do about it? This included Diablito de Hollywood, who received 39 more years in prison as a consequence, along with almost all the ranfla. Witness now spends his days in his private residence, in the presence of armed guards, never daring to go outside. He knows the MS13 does not easily forget. Hutch got out of prison just a month before InSight Crime met him in that backstreet drinking den. At the time, he did not fully understand the complicated backdrop into which he was stepping. El Salvador was no longer the same country he had known. He left prison with what he had on him and after years without speaking to anyone on the outside. Hutch spent two nights in the outpost the army and police had set up outside the prison. He did not have enough money for a bus fare and, even if he did, he had nowhere to go. He was an orphan in every sense of the word. He had neither family nor gang to turn to. After two days and nights of withstanding hunger, rain and insults from the police, two women arrived outside the outpost. These two lawyers had come to pick up another prisoner who was being released but had got the day wrong. Upon seeing Hutch so helpless, they offered a helping hand. They gave him the clothes they had brought for their client, they fed him and offered him a lift to San Salvador. Hutch gladly accepted, walked up to their red sedan and opened the back door. Inside, an MS13 gang member pointed a 9mm pistol at him. Hutch simply turned around and walked back to the outpost while reciting Psalm 91 from the Bible. Hutch tolerated rain, hunger and insults for another two days until an old police officer asked him some questions and gave him the contact of a person who has dedicated their life to seemingly lost causes. Out of concern for their safety, this person shall remain anonymous. But Hutch lives with them now. Even now, however, Hutch knows the gang he once belonged to will not easily forget him. Subscribe to our newsletter to receive a weekly digest of the latest organized crime news and stay up-to-date on major events, trends, and criminal dynamics from across the region. Donate today to empower research and analysis about organized crime in Latin America and the Caribbean, from the ground up. Skip to content. Stay Informed With InSight Crime Subscribe to our newsletter to receive a weekly digest of the latest organized crime news and stay up-to-date on major events, trends, and criminal dynamics from across the region.

The Omnipresent Business of the MS13 in El Salvador

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When they thrive, so do their countries. And when they are fragile , their nations are more likely to suffer a wide variety of ills, from deteriorating quality of life to declining foreign direct investment. Crime rates are especially useful measures of urban fragility. Homicide is a particularly convenient early warning indicator precisely because it is the most serious and carefully tracked category of crime. However, the limited availability of standardized city-level data on criminal violence makes lethal and non-lethal crime surprisingly challenging to track. Its findings show that Latin American and Caribbean LAC cities continue to register especially high murder rates. They also reveal signs of progress in some places and new cause for concern in others. The countries with the most cities on this list are Brazil 13 , Mexico 11 , the U. LAC cities dominate the ranking, but notable shifts are underway in the region due to evolving organized crime dynamics and controversial public security interventions. In , it ranked rd, and last year registered a homicide rate of per , inhabitants. San Pedro Sula in Honduras ranked as the most violent city in the world in , with a murder rate of per ,, but by , the city had fallen outside the top and registered a rate of just Other cities , such as Tegucigalpa and Choloma, also slipped out of the top Only Caracas was included in the top 50 in , a sharp contrast from , when 11 Venezuelan cities made that list. Even though Brazil had the most cities 13 in the top 50 in , that pales compared to the 30 it registered in Despite this improvement, Brazil still reported the highest absolute number of murders in the world in , with 47, and a national homicide rate of Brazilians are more preoccupied with crime than ever. In Mexico, the trends of political and criminal violence are bleaker still. The country featured 11 cities in the top 50 in , compared to just three in Before , the country had only one city, Acapulco, among the top 10, but now, Cajeme Sonora , Tijuana Baja California , and Celaya Guanajuato regularly make that list. For the past six years Mexico has registered over 30, homicides. For its part, Colombia has experienced unprecedented declines in homicide over the past decade. The Pacific Coast is also becoming a particular concern due to increased clashes between drug trafficking organizations. Meanwhile, the expansion of heavily armed criminal gangs and drug trafficking networks across the Caribbean has coincided with an explosion in homicidal violence. Larger cities such as Kingston in Jamaica and Port-au-Prince in Haiti ranked the 12th and 15th most murderous cities in Rising homicide cities in countries that have historically not reported high rates of violent crime are canaries in the mine. Similarly, alarming patterns are evident in smaller cities such as Iquique in Chile and Rosario in Argentina. He is also co-founder of the SecDev Group and SecDev Foundation , digital security and risk analysis groups with global reach. Trouble elsewhere San Pedro Sula in Honduras ranked as the most violent city in the world in , with a murder rate of per ,, but by , the city had fallen outside the top and registered a rate of just Colombia and the Caribbean For its part, Colombia has experienced unprecedented declines in homicide over the past decade. About the Authors. Like what you've read? Subscribe to AQ for more. Any opinions expressed in this piece do not necessarily reflect those of Americas Quarterly or its publishers. Related Content.

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