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There seems to be no limit to how many coca plants Colombia can grow. The country has reached figures that have never been previously seen in the sector dedicated to the base product of cocaine, with , hectares throughout its territory now dedicated to growing coca. The government of Gustavo Petro — who advocates ending the failed war on drugs — now faces the challenge of reducing the largest crop yield on record. This is the second consecutive year where the total area has reached an all-time high. The year-over-year increase is driven by the addition of nearly 20, hectares in Putumayo alone. The UN measurement is treated as the official figure for Colombia. It remains the only reliable reference, since the annual report that the American government used to publish — which utilized a different methodology — is currently suspended. He affirms that the findings show a trend towards stabilization in the rest of the country. Over the weekend, the Colombian and Mexican governments called on the rest of Latin America to rethink anti-drug efforts. The policy was built through a series of dialogues with various affected communities across the national territory. The new strategy is designed to be implemented over the next 10 years. The strategy also promises to offer support to 50, of the approximately , families who are earning their living from the cultivation of coca and the production of cocaine. And, of the 90, coca-producing hectares that the plan intends to eliminate, 69, would be eradicated voluntarily, while another 23, would be eradicated via forcible means. Petro has been insisting on the need to alter the paradigm of the anti-drug fight since his inauguration in August of last year. He has requested that the international community stop criminalizing the weakest links, such as coca growers, to focus efforts on targeting criminal organizations that profit from drug-trafficking. He maintains that the power of these organizations has grown throughout the region and has permeated in countries like Ecuador, where violence has skyrocketed. His speech, given at the closing of the Latin American conference on drugs that he convened in the Colombian city of Cali, was peppered with criticism of the United States. The nations became especially close on this subject in , when Plan Colombia was conceived. The number of hectares dedicated to coca plants fell from , in to 48, by — the lowest level since data has been recorded. Since then, however, the cultivation of coca has shown an upward trend, with few exceptions. After a slight reduction, the increase in hectares and production has skyrocketed since For decades, illicit drugs have been the main fuel for armed conflict in Colombia. Several of these illegal groups profit from drug-trafficking, among them the dissidents of the extinct FARC guerrilla organization, who departed from the peace process sealed at the end of This peace agreement, which the present government welcomes as a roadmap, includes points on rural development and solving the drug problem. On the international front, Petro has racked up endorsements. The fight against drug-trafficking requires profound changes — such as those requested by the president of Colombia — as the policy of prohibition has clearly failed. The Puebla Group, which brings together several progressive leaders from across Latin America, has also supported efforts to decriminalize drugs. Santiago Torrado. Copy link. Colombia Washington D. Disfruta de nuestras lecciones personalizadas, breves y divertidas. Disfrute de nuestras lecciones personalizadas, breves y divertidas. Italiano online. Nuevo curso 'online'. Crucigramas minis. Crucigramas Tarkus. Sudokus mini. Sopas de letras. Global MBA. Clases virtuales. Posgrado en Recursos Humanos. Palabra secreta.
Spanish police seized two metric tonnes ( pounds) of cocaine with a street value of about 70 million euros ($ million) from a.
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A rope strung across the road acts as a signal to stop. Later, another one appears. They control who enters and who leaves, charging fees that are, supposedly, meant to fix the ruined roads. In reality, the money just ends up in their pockets. Whenever a murder occurs, there are no authorities to collect the corpse or the evidence. Oftentimes, bodies are buried without an autopsy having been performed. There is no prosecutor, no court and nobody manning the morgue. Before he fled, two of the armored vans that were assigned to his security detail were robbed. The Colombian government cannot guarantee his safety, nor the lives of anyone else in town. Many of the victims were thrown into the Catatumbo River. Others were buried in mass graves. However, walking through the urban area, one gets the impression that normality reigns. There is fresh meat on display in food stalls, bars blast loud music and children play in the park. You can walk around town with your phone in your hand without a problem. He explains that thieves are punished by execution. The police station remains cordoned off, behind fences and barricades. Since the last attack this past May — in which two uniformed officers and a woman died after the detonation of a bomb — the police have lived in hiding. They only go out on patrol in armored vehicles. The inhabitants fear approaching them for help, since most of the attacks have been directed against the authorities. Taking photos of the station is prohibited. The murdered prosecutor was in charge of more than cases involving homicides and illicit crops. Without institutions or local investigators — and without criminal prosecution — impunity is rampant. Funeral homes collect the bodies for burial, but the evidence is lost. The town has no court or ombudsman. In , while a judicial proceeding was underway, the municipal court was attacked with grenades and bullets. The secretary of the office and the judicial expert were murdered, while 11 others were injured, including the judge, three soldiers and three police officers. The courthouse has since been closed. He notes that insecurity has increased with the upcoming local elections. Six other mayors in Colombia have had to leave the municipalities they govern. This is the first time that mayors have been forced to resign in 20 years. In several videos, it has been recorded how members of the FARC dissidents patrol the municipality in broad daylight, carrying automatic weapons and frisking residents. In the absence of justice — and with little action from the police — the dissidents impose their own rule of law, with punishments such as tying up thieves or drug dealers to power poles and draping them with cardboard signs. Sometimes the people they capture are forced to sweep the streets or go work in the countryside. The threat of murder or disappearance hangs in the air. In the past, the guerrillas lived in the mountains. Coca crops are one of the reasons why armed groups dispute this area. A large part of the population lives off the harvesting and sale of coca leaves. However, in recent months, there has been a slowdown in purchasing, with some experts attributing this to oversupply. The armed groups ask everyone for protection money, even the informal vendors who sell coffee out of a thermos in the street are forced to pay up. In the last 25 years, thousands of people have been displaced by the violence. In the past, the armed groups have detained her for up to two hours. She barely ventures out into the street — she has no peace of mind. Her husband — a former combatant for the FARC — has also suffered attacks. Since the signing of the peace agreement between the government and the FARC, 20 community leaders and eight former combatants have been murdered, according to the NGO Indepaz. Armed groups have even stolen two United States cars in the Catatumbo region, where the UN maintains two offices to oversee the implementation of the peace and reconciliation process. That same day, the ceasefire will officially begin. The dissidents declared a unilateral cessation of offensive actions against state forces on Friday, September Anyone you talk to can tell you a story about threats and silence. A stray bullet can hit our children or grandchildren at any time. The parish priest — Jairo Gelves Tarazona— is part of the peace and reconciliation council of the municipality. He has gone out to march as a representative of the Catholic Church. However, since , she affirms that the war has gotten worse. Nobody says anything about what happens here. So far this year, the association she presides over has helped 25 women who have been threatened by the illegal armed groups leave the municipality. She herself is facing death threats. The Army killed my husband. Armed groups set up illegal checkpoints, dig mines across the territory and shoot at police stations. Perhaps as a means to protect themselves, residents tend to talk about the violence in general terms, without singling out any particular group. Accustomed to war, some prefer not to speak at all. But despite the silence, everyone — including the priest — is afraid. Copy link. Disfruta de nuestras lecciones personalizadas, breves y divertidas. Disfrute de nuestras lecciones personalizadas, breves y divertidas. Italiano online. Nuevo curso 'online'. Crucigramas minis. Crucigramas Tarkus. Sudokus mini. Sopas de letras. Global MBA. Clases virtuales. Posgrado en Recursos Humanos. Palabra secreta.
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The three border departments of Norte de Santander, Nariño and Putumayo are where 65% of all of Colombia's coca cultivation is concentrated.
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With 22, hectares of land dedicated to coca cultivation, Tibú occupies first place among the coca-producing municipalities in the world.
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