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To date the government has largely rejected accusations that it is lax in its approach to the situation. This is something observers have known for a long time. Last year, around tonnes of opium were produced, with only Afghanistan recording a higher output. The amount of acreage used for growing poppies is also on a continual rise — 14 per cent between and , according to the UN — suggesting that a reinvigorated campaign to rid the country of opium farming has not found its target. But opium is no longer the main problem: production of methamphetamine is so vast that Myanmar is most likely a world leader in a market that neighbouring countries have identified as fuelling one of the great regional crises. Despite its claims to the contrary, Naypyidaw has done little to tackle the scourge, and the mutually beneficial relationship the former junta enjoyed with production and trafficking rackets continues into the quasi-democratic era. One of them, T Hkun Mya, was elected to chair the House Bill Committee in the lower house, but is said in the report to have close dealings with a racket that protects drug shipments passing through Namtu in Shan state. There has, however, long been an acknowledgement among experts on the trade that at the very least it could not flourish without government complicity, while others contend that the military junta relied on it as a key economic crutch. Some even believe it was an active participant in the production process. Warnings such as these would issue frequently from the halls of Washington prior to the US beginning a programme of engagement with the government following the elections. Former prime minister Khin Nyunt had allowed Lo Hsing Han to continue in the drugs trade, even ensuring he would win lucrative business contracts that would help disguise his earnings, in return for negotiating ceasefires with powerful ethnic groups. What then appears to have been forgotten amid the hype surrounding this new era in Myanmar is that many figures in the narcotics industry who once received tacit support from the military regime are alive and well, some enjoying life as MPs while others have become key players in a blossoming business arena. The government has publicised a reinvigorated anti-opium drive, even inviting journalists along to poppy eradication exercises deep in the hills of Shan state. Seizures are also on the increase, with July alone seeing raids that netted 1. Precisely how much of that money goes to entities associated with the Myanmar government is impossible to say, but a diverse cross section of state officials will have benefitted, right from the regional army commanders who levy a tax on opium growers to more senior governmental figures who receive kickbacks from druglords in order that they can operate with impunity. Indeed areas of its reform programme, namely the ceasefires signed between Naypyidaw and various armed groups known to be knee-deep in the industry, could in fact bolster the drug trade. Eradication campaigns may be a means to divert attention from the ongoing role of the state, which requires greater urgency now as western countries apparently so aghast at the global scourge from narcotics draw closer to Myanmar. Francis Wade is a freelance journalist and analyst covering Myanmar and Southeast Asia. Francis Wade. Francis Wade is a Thailand-based freelance journalist and analyst covering Myanmar and Southeast Asia. Published On 26 Sep 26 Sep Sponsored Content.

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