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As global cocaine markets continue to expand, a new investigation suggests countries across east and southern Africa are receiving much larger drug shipments from South America than was previously believed. Drug market research in 16 countries has found both substantial local consumption and bulging transit flows to Europe and Australia , according to a Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime GI-TOC report. Most of the cargos land in coastal states like South Africa , Mozambique , Kenya, and Tanzania, before either being transhipped to other continents or heading inland. The result is a blooming drug trade whose full scale is hidden by feeble interdiction capacities. Cocaine traffickers are despatching regular, large-scale consignments to various countries in the region. This occurs in three ways: in containerized shipments, in seagoing vessels, such as fishing boats, and in microtrafficking schemes from Latin America. Microtrafficking schemes are the most diverse, both in smuggling method and destination. Generally involving cocaine loads of under 5 kilograms, these can travel by post, by human carriers on commercial flights, and in unaccompanied airline baggage collected by complicit airport staff. Interception rates are very low, and human carriers travel easily across the region. He was accused of shipping 5 tons of cocaine in October from the port of Rio de Janeiro to Europe via Mozambique. Brazilian press claimed he had already conducted business in several neighboring countries. Since then, there have been no further arrests of PCC members in the region. Looking forward, however, it seems likely it will increase its targeting of southern Africa. Both powder and crack were widely available across the area, with consumption calculated to be surprisingly high in several countries. Its 25 million people consumed an estimated 5. Furthermore, purity is relatively strong. And revenues are healthy. That is just below what it would fetch in parts of western Europe. Nor is the market confined to South Africa. Neighboring Eswatini and Lesotho consume a staggering quantity per capita, while Malawi is alleged to have eight times more cocaine than heroin users. Subscribe to our newsletter to receive a weekly digest of the latest organized crime news and stay up-to-date on major events, trends, and criminal dynamics from across the region. Donate today to empower research and analysis about organized crime in Latin America and the Caribbean, from the ground up. Skip to content. Cocaine retail prices across the region. The Mozambican coast. Three grams of cocaine powder being divided in a coastal village in Kenya. Courtesy of Jason Eligh. Stay Informed With InSight Crime Subscribe to our newsletter to receive a weekly digest of the latest organized crime news and stay up-to-date on major events, trends, and criminal dynamics from across the region.

Journal of Illicit Economies and Development

Buy Cocaine Mozambique

Each member is a full service law firm with expert knowledge and experience in both local law and the local business, political, cultural and economic environment. Our members and their lawyers are recognised by clients and major legal directories as leaders in various practice areas. Find out more about our members. We look at the complex problem. Mozambique hit the headlines in March when armed Islamic extremists rampaged through the town of Palma in northern Mozambique. The insurgents have killed hundreds of people and driven tens of thousands from their homes. Cabo Delgado is a historically neglected Muslim area in a Christian-majority country. The place is full of expat workers and services and supplies infrastructure — which was targeted by the armed gangs who claim allegiance to Islamic State and call themselves al-Shabaab. It was easy to conclude that the Islamists aimed to annex the gas fields and their cash flows — much as IS did when it seized territory in Iraq and Syria to establish its short lived Caliphate. However the attack on Palma helps distract from the crime and corruption at the heart of the problem. Mozambique has until recently shown great promise. After a grueling civil war that dragged into the s, the award-winning president Joaquim Chissano and his team of young technocrats like prime minister Luisa Diogo worked to turn the country around. There were new mining and energy projects, a smelter that had brought back international capital, a useful balance of Chinese infrastructure and European budget support. Tourists flooded over the border from South Africa. The economy was creating jobs. Nacala Port in northern Mozambique has been identified as a key channel for much of the illicit cargo that comes in and out of Mozambique. The amounts trafficked are eye watering. Heroin goes from Afghanistan to the Makran coast of Pakistan, and is taken by dhow to northern Mozambique. It is not just drugs. The loans were a front for bribery and kickbacks, and have been the subject of many legal investigations. Remember, at the time, people were jumping up and down about how Mozambique would be the next big thing, one of the largest gas producers in world, and people wanted to get in early. With limited other opportunities, the bonds provided a way in. He had cult leader status for his youthful supporters from the Ansar Muslim Youth Council, who were slowly pushed south. Radical imams in Tanzania welcomed them. The Islamist radicals were joined by artisanal miners kicked out of the Monte Puez ruby mine in northern Mozambique. In early , an insurgency known locally as Al-Shabaab, inspired by but unrelated to the Somali insurgents, briefly seized the port town of Mocambique de Praia in Cabo Delgado. It was the first time they would do so, but not the last. Those efforts squeezed drug traffickers south down the coast. As with all successful trading, it is useful to have goods travelling in both directions; the grim trade of heroin met with Asian demand for illicit Mozambican produce. The drugs syndicates were joined by gem and timber smugglers, wildlife traffickers and human traffickers — including those selling human body parts. To what extent do the insurgents and syndicates overlap? For certain, criminals have the run of the province, and they pay off the authorities or attack them if they get in the way. Collusion goes to the highest levels of military intelligence, argue some analysts. As the Mozambique government has not been able to end the insurgency, some international partners are calling for an international intervention force. There were also question marks over the length of time — several months — that the insurgency was able to hold on to Mocambique de Praia. Even former president Guebuza has told journalists that the government was not sending the best soldiers and commanders to the north. Journalists, academics and aid workers are mostly barred from the area. A UK journalist, Tom Bowker, was deported for reporting on the insurgency. Some local people are also being driven off the land. Brazilian media report Fuminho as having already made several smuggling deals across multiple African countries. Despite the arrest, cocaine busts continue. In January , five men were arrested by police on cocaine smuggling charges. Nyusi was wavering between the two options but still prefers to use forces from outside the region, such as trainers from Portugal and the United States. They are also huge investments for the energy companies and banks involved. There is also a rush to sew up the remaining large liquefied natural gas contracts — the huge China-Iran deal, for example, should shrink global gas appetite. A planned industrial hub will likely not happen. They would need all the services, creating opportunities for small and medium-sized enterprises to go. The Palma attack is a turning point for the insurgency: not just in its methods of attack, but in its victory, says security analyst Jasmine Opperman. The rebels stole between vehicles during the raid, busted into bank vaults and picked up telecoms equipment. They have money, wheels and communications, and perhaps now greater ambition. Queface expects larger towns like Nangade to be hit. Some analysts argue that the international community needs to get involved. Mayotte is France. Beyond that, there are fears that other kinds of international interventions could lead to calamity. There is a French military base in Mayotte. For Mahtani, there is a security stalemate in the north that requires intervention, but not at the risk of hurting Mozambique sovereignty. Does President Nyusi have a plan to keep Palma safe? Can the government retake Mocambique de Praia? That would be a start, but does it have the resources to do it on its own? That is where Mozambique could perhaps give some ground, suggests Mahtani. Although conditions have been deteriorating fast over the past six months, most regional analysts say that a decisive response now could stop that trend. The raid on Palma marks a watershed moment. Bukarti also highlighted the relative sophistication of the assault, with tactics to target banks and warehouses — for money and food — derived from other Islamist groups in Africa. The situation in Mozambique is complex. Amnesty also accuses Mozambique security forces of engaging in violent reprisals, including summary executions, when they have restored control after previous raids, making any future security partnerships potentially fraught. But the concern is that any emerging western support may struggle to keep pace with the worsening security situation. Search Close this search box. 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Buy Cocaine Mozambique