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Karol Vega remembers a time when her neighbors would spend long evenings outside together, laughing and listening to salsa music as they shared ceviche. Then crack cocaine started flooding this Costa Rican fishing town — and dealers began competing for turf. As young men were gunned down in succession — one while playing soccer, another while buying a lottery ticket, yet another while pedaling his bike — most residents stopped leaving their homes after dark. Vega begged her year-old son, Kedwin, who had started selling drugs, to stay off the streets. In December, she was at home when a friend arrived, breathless, to report that Kedwin had been shot in the head and killed. For so long, Costa Rica was an island of peace in one of the most turbulent regions in the world. While other Central American nations suffered civil wars , vicious street gangs and corrupt leaders , Costa Rica had low crime, a thriving democracy and no armed forces. But as violence has risen steadily here over the last decade — accelerating sharply during the last year — there is a growing sense that the nation of 5. And how are we going to get out of this? Figueres, who had just led a guerrilla army to victory in a civil war, announced he was abolishing the armed forces — an act he viewed as a safeguard against the military coups that had so often derailed Central American democracies. Not having to fund a military meant Costa Rica could invest more in health, education and environmental protection. In the ensuing decades, the country boasted some of the highest standards of living in Latin America as well as some of its lowest crime rates — two phenomena that its leaders insisted were linked. Congress in The pandemic made the poor of Latin America poorer and set back a fledgling middle class throughout the region, threatening a generation. But in recent years, as Costa Rica weathered the global economic crisis and then the COVID pandemic , funding for education and social programs fell sharply. For a long time, shipments of cocaine merely crossed through Costa Rican waters on their journey from Colombia to the United States, with traffickers paying locals cash to help refuel their boats along the way. But starting about a decade ago, as drug profits became increasingly tricky to launder, traffickers started paying with product. There was plenty of it: Since , the amount of cocaine being produced in South America has more than doubled, according to the United Nations. Costa Ricans now entered the business of trafficking, smuggling drugs onto shipping containers packed with bananas and pineapples bound for the U. And they forged a new domestic drug market, employing out-of-work teenagers as dealers — including in Chacarita, a town of 26, on the Pacific coast. It paid much better than the only other work he could find, cleaning a restaurant after it closed for the night. His gang of dealers got into a beef with another. Little boys with guns. While that is lower than the rates in Venezuela, Honduras and Mexico, it is more than double the U. Officials say gangs of professional assassins carry out gruesome killings, such as the seven people executed this year on a ranch, or the decapitated body found floating in a marsh, or the drug boss shot to death while dropping off his daughter at school. Local criminal groups have traded handguns for automatic rifles and adopted the brutal methods associated with drug cartels in Mexico, he said. Polls show that violence is now the top concern among Costa Ricans, and some have questioned whether the country can continue to uphold its ideal of nonmilitarization in the face of such grave threats. Many see a cautionary tale in nearby Ecuador, another once-peaceful country that in a short few years has become excessively violent , in part because of a deluge of cocaine. Fernando Villavicencio was killed by a gunman at a political rally in Quito, the capital of Ecuador, where drug trafficking and violence have surged. Although few here propose the creation of an army, many have criticized the government of President Rodrigo Chaves for what they see as a tepid response. Chaves has proposed changes to the judicial system — to allow prosecutors to charge minors accused of homicide as adults and to make it easier to tap the communications of alleged gang members. But without a military, the government lacks the force to engage in the kind of direct armed confrontation with criminals that is seen in many other countries. A group of speedboats were returning to shore after a day at sea. Others, the police said, might well be carrying cocaine. But the police were not there to chase down and inspect the boats — just to act as a visual deterrent. Eventually, the speedboats disappeared into the mouth of a river that snakes through the city and the police trucks pulled away. Zamora, the security minister, said there are plenty of examples in the region of why militarization is not the answer. A bike peddles in front of the store where Kedwin Cordero Vega was shot and killed. Attorney Miguel Alberto Diaz Vega. If even the U. But others have begun clamoring for harsher security policies, with growing calls for a crackdown similar to the one conducted in El Salvador under President Nayib Bukele , who has dramatically lowered crime by rounding up tens of thousands of suspected gang members with little concern for due process. Despite a heavy police presence in her neighborhood, she said, nine young men including Kedwin have been killed here over the last year. Gary Coronado was a staff photographer for the Los Angeles Times from He is a Pulitzer Prize finalist in feature photography for images of Central Americans risking life and limb as they jump aboard the trains from southern Mexico bound for the United States and a Pulitzer Prize finalist in breaking news photography for team coverage of hurricanes. He began freelancing for the Orange County Register and relocated to South Florida in , when he was awarded a fellowship through the Freedom Forum. De Los. Times Everywhere. For Subscribers. All Sections. About Us. B2B Publishing. Hot Property. Times Events. Times Store. Special Supplements. A young girl takes in a police roadblock in Chacarita, Costa Rica, where violence has skyrocketed in recent years. By Kate Linthicum Staff Writer. Photography by Gary Coronado. Share via Close extra sharing options. Karol Vega in the bedroom that belonged to her son, Kedwin, 17, who was shot and killed in December in Chacarita, Costa Rica. Soccer practice is held at a park alongside the beach near an entry point along the Rio Cieneguita where fishing boats carrying illicit drugs enter the small town from the Caribbean Sea. Costa Rica police officers question a motorcyclist at a roadblock. Young people are inheriting the consequences. At the main port, the installation of state-of-the-art scanners has led to large drug busts in recent months. In Chacarita, Costa Rica, most residents have stopped leaving home after dark. The U. He was shot and killed in December More to Read. At the epicenter of the Mexican drug trade, a deadly power struggle shuts down a city. Bukele claims he cleaned up El Salvador. But at what cost? Are Mexican drug cartels as powerful as people think? Kate Linthicum. Gary Coronado. Follow Us X. More From the Los Angeles Times.

Costa Rica, the once-peaceful land of ‘pura vida,’ battles violence as cocaine trade grows

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