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The ex—K. Like most Americans, I had barely heard of this country before September 11, but soon I began to realize its crucial importance to a dangerous war that is sure to last much longer than the one going on in Afghanistan. The enemy is heroin, the most valuable export of Central Asia, and I have come 7, miles to understand the symbiotic connection between drugs and terrorism. In the villages on both sides of the river, virtually the entire population is engaged in smuggling the only cash crop that Afghanistan grows, the opium poppy. My guide, Colonel Salomatsho Khushvakhtov, once the K. In July the Taliban, to gain international recognition and deplete their stockpiles, imposed a strict ban on poppy growing, which was 91 percent effective by Nevertheless, Khushvakhtov assures me, the warlords who still roam Central Asia need the money heroin brings. There is nothing else for them economically. Even in the middle of winter, villagers on the Afghan side of the Panj jump barefoot into the icy water to float kilos of heroin across the river inside animal skins stacked on old inner tubes or rubber rafts. Horses and donkeys are also used to carry the heroin, and sometimes the cargo is lost on the bottom of the river. When the Taliban ruled Afghanistan, a tax of 10 percent was charged to the opium growers, and another of 20 percent to the dealers, who were based mostly in the southern provinces of Helmand and Kandahar. Heroin refineries were also taxed. The fall of the Soviet Union had made available previously banned chemicals from Siberia used to refine opium gum into heroin in kitchen labs near the borders of Pakistan, Iran, and Tajikistan. Then the drug was packaged in kilo bags and marked with the brand of its producers, or sometimes with radical-Islamic insignia. The places on the Tajik side where the heroin is delivered can be very dangerous. They are often mined, either by the Russian guards who patrol the border or by the traffickers themselves to protect their load. Yet there is always plenty of heroin to be had. Most heroin reaching Tajikistan and other Central Asian countries travels north to Russia and Eastern Europe and then to points west. Hundreds if not thousands of tons also go through Pakistan, Iran, Turkey, and Dubai before reaching the streets of Europe and the United States. The trafficker reaps the profit. In Tajikistan, drugs are equal to hard currency. Drugs are buried in boxes at the bottom of truckloads of onions, or sometimes stuffed into the bones of legs of lamb after the marrow has been drained. Students drive a kilo or two to Moscow to finance their university education. Petersburg or Moscow to relieve themselves of it. About 35 percent of those convicted of drug violations in Tajikistan today are poor and female. Nothing happened. The Afghans had negotiated with the border guards not to see it. But then one young Tajik man went to Afghanistan and brought back drugs, and the guards killed him. Then he got shot because they took the drugs. Cows moo going across the river—they should be heard. We have a very small station and still use regular phones. Officers of the Tajik Drug Control Agency must often wait in line at a village public pay phone to communicate with their colleagues in Dushanbe. Yet they are charged with policing a treacherous, often inaccessible terrain 13, feet above sea level in some places and with temperatures that plunge to 40 degrees below zero in winter. This has made drug trafficking a pursuit of the well-connected as well as of the poor, while crippling those who take seriously enforcing the law. The spillover effects of the only product that allows Afghanistan to participate in the global economy are millions of new addicts in the transit countries and an incipient aids epidemic in Russia. In some areas, irate citizens, horrified at the accelerating rate of addiction, are demanding that politicians do something. One man told me of villagers hanging two addicts upside down by their ankles from a tree in the public square. Central Asia, with its predominantly young, rapidly growing, and poverty-stricken population, has been the focus of largely unheeded warnings by various experts as well as the U. They caution that the countries surrounding Afghanistan are in very real danger of becoming narco-societies, unstable, lawless tinderboxes where, despite the fall of the Taliban, radical Islamist groups still control large areas. In Tajikistan, for example, always the poorest republic of the U. Part of the peace agreement of , which ended that war, allowed the opposition warlords, some of whom were drug dealers, to assume 30 percent of high-ranking government positions. Today, Tajikistan has an unemployment rate of 54 percent, and the lure of drug money undermines all aspects of its society. These are the hard realities facing Colonel Khushvakhtov and the new chief of drug enforcement in Kulyab, who joins us. He wears an ancient pair of binoculars around his neck as he reads to me from a tattered seizures list. Between April and October of , his team confiscated 69 kilos of opium and 4. Out on the Silk Road once more, we are passing through the Pamir Mountains, with breathtaking sheer granite drops at every turn. Namangani, who was forced out of Tajikistan and moved from Kyrgyzstan to Afghanistan, was the major suspect in deadly terrorist bombings in Tashkent, the capital of Uzbekistan, in He reportedly died last year fighting the Northern Alliance in Mazar-e-Sharif, but there has been no confirmation. In the past he had kidnapped four Japanese geologists and held up a train carrying tons of weapons and humanitarian supplies a group of Iranians were attempting to put in the hands of the Northern Alliance. Namangani, who was 32 when last heard from, led a force of up to 2, mercenaries and controlled 70 percent of the drug routes between Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan. Many on the Tajikistan side of the border felt that the purpose of any battle Namangani fought was at least as much to secure drug routes as to claim territory for an Islamic caliphate state. On the Afghan side, however, ideology has been less of an issue. About 45 minutes outside of Kulyab, our four-wheel drive is on an ascent when we come upon four young Tajik soldiers in camouflage and carrying Kalashnikovs. They are part of the second line of border protection, as are three Tajik soldiers not in uniform we meet a couple of hundred yards farther west. They are lounging on a tank flying the Tajik flag and parked on the side of the road as a checkpoint, silhouetted against the snowcapped peaks of northern Afghanistan. Chief Hydar assures me there are more soldiers hidden in the hills, because this is one of the most heavily traveled heroin routes in the world, but it certainly seems pretty tranquil this day. He points out a village built into the steep mountainside on the Afghan side. As we start to descend, the vista is majestic, and we can now see the narrow, winding river with its rocky embankment at the bottom of the sheer drop of the mountains. When we finally reach the border, at the tiny village of Kharanajo, the checkpoint is marked by a Cyclone fence with a rusted old gate on which are two faded metal Soviet stars in red and blue. The gate is partially blocked by a pair of brown cows, nonchalantly swishing their tails. Two Russian border guards peer out the door of a stone house with a small TV antenna on its roof. A World War II watchtower is visible in the distance, and crops are planted out to the river yards away. The chief tells me we can go no farther. I have the picture of what I have come so far to see. Most Americans, if they perceive a link between drugs and terrorism, immediately think of Colombia. Facing civil war and costing the United States hundreds of millions in aid—and hundreds of millions more for interdiction and treatment in the United States—Colombia is now in the vise of a violent terrorist-driven drug economy in which left-wing guerrillas and right-wing paramilitaries tax and traffic in heroin and cocaine much the way the Northern Alliance and Taliban and other Muslim radicals have done in Central Asia. After Colombian authorities killed Escobar, he was quickly replaced by other drug lords with more sophisticated networks. Some Colombian farmers, facing a 52 percent decline in coffee prices since , are tearing out their coffee plants and replacing them with opium poppies and coca, just as Afghan farmers have replaced wheat and other crops. As a result, the chemicals dumped into lakes and rivers wherever heroin is refined pose a horrific ecological threat. Colombia estimates that each year the amount of chemicals poured into its Amazon Basin from poppy and coca labs equals the harmful effects of three Exxon Valdez oil spills. Today, Colombia supplies the United States with up to 75 percent of its heroin. The rest comes from Mexico, Afghanistan, and Southeast Asia. According to General Jose Serrano, the former head of the Colombian National Police, in and authorities discovered for the first time 10, acres of opium poppies planted in guerrilla-controlled areas of the southern Colombian Andes. Saodat Olimova is probably one of the most gifted women in Tajikistan. A sociologist, she and her husband, Muzaffar, founded an institute called Sharq, which surveys public opinion and analyzes issues. Saodat is one of those quietly heroic people who persist against all odds. She and Muzaffar, a noted Orientalist who translated for the last Russian-installed president of Afghanistan, Mohammad Najibullah, are terrorism experts whose work in the past has been supported by the National Endowment for Democracy, the Intermedia Survey Institute, a nato defense consortium, and Harvard University. Saodat remembers the day when she realized that the connection between drugs and terrorism was real. Every night, Muzaffar and a neighbor would go out to bury the corpses of those who had been shot that day. During the day a guard would stand watch, not allowing anyone to touch the corpses. And all these so-called warriors were high. Later I heard stories about small villages, where they would round up young men—both sides did it—and force them to start using drugs. Over time the horror became too much for Saodat, and one day in she abandoned their house, leaving all her furniture and clothes behind. She has never returned. People were starving to death. One day, she told me, she had given her year-old daughter to four watchmen at a bread factory—she sold her daughter for a half a sack of flour. Later her daughter died, because they used her in every possible way. I suspect her kids were starving for a long time, and that forced her to do this. I cannot blame her. We were starving, too. I have two sons. We had some money, but there was no food to buy. It was a crazy year, It is my understanding that was the year the drug business began to work full-force. There is a drug trafficker in her own family, Saodat says. One of her relatives married a man whose family, in Soviet terms, had been very wealthy. Private business was banned then, but he bought fruit and vegetables in large enough quantities to fill railway cars and ship them to Siberia. By his regular business was over. There was no food available, so he switched to drugs. Immediately he became a large trafficker. His whole family is devastated. He did not understand. Emomali Rakhmonov, the president of Tajikistan, has repeatedly called on the international community for help in establishing a cordon sanitaire around Afghanistan in order to protect his country and the rest of Central Asia from drugs. Saodat and others close to the scene explain that, with powerful tribal clans and two branches of Islam at work in the country, the president functions as a kind of middleman among local power centers. The mayor of Dushanbe, for example, who since entering politics in the last decade has become a principal owner of several huge companies, is also the speaker of the parliament. The drug business sustains up to 50 percent of the Tajik economy and props up its currency, if only because of the great number of people it employs. In , I was told, the profession most aspired to by the young was bodyguard to a narco-baron. Drugs pay the salaries not only of couriers and bodyguards but also of workers in construction, the service industries, all the small businesses built on laundered money—the list is long. I visited the Vodonasosnaya neighborhood of Dushanbe, where a number of dealers have constructed large houses complete with underground bunkers. But then something unexpected happened: the people spoke out. Some started to exit the narcotics business, and for some it finished with murder, because people started to get shot. Today the system is schizophrenic. Some officials are still narco-barons, and others benefit indirectly by taking bribes. A New York metals trader I interviewed before I left America told me that five or six years ago, on his business trips to Tajikistan, an assistant Cabinet minister would constantly ask him if he wanted to be in on the trafficking. Today the man the trader named is still very well connected and close to the mayor of Dushanbe. Everybody knows who the other ones are, but they keep silent and go after the little dealers. I met two types of people: the little soldiers, they use drugs \[the Northern Alliance has said that American turncoat John Walker, for example, was a heavy hashish user\], and the other people, who are well educated, who know Islam. I ask her how the intelligence services perform their role in the triangle. It has often been said that the C. For both, the end justifies the means. Saodat, however, is most concerned about the long-term effect drugs have had. They destroy the family, the social system, the political system, education—everything. It is in the interest of both terrorists and narco-traffickers to have an unstable society. On the other side of the equation, though, is the fact that nobody is going to be involved with drugs if there is no demand. General Nazarov is a laconic, no-nonsense person. On the flight from Khujand to Dushanbe, a British cotton broker told me that the less tea you are offered here by someone, the more he respects you—it means he wants to get down to business. He lives under fire. Last spring a bomb went off where he usually parks his car. General Nazarov has also received written threats demanding that he give up his job or be killed. My whole life has been devoted to fighting criminals. At 18, I wore a military uniform for the first time, and from then until , I was in the militia. I worked my way up to chairman of the criminal police of Tajikistan. He explains that the whole Tajik civil war was financed by drug smuggling, and that, as we speak, Islamic radicals are stationed in the central part of Tajikistan and are not about to go away. In Uzbekistan, I had heard from the U. The general confirms this. You need money for war. You need material support for weapons. And where can you get it? He shows me through an immaculate new lab for analyzing heroin and introduces me to some of his member force, who have been trained in Italy. They are studying a map with a maze of arrows on it indicating drug routes and locations where opium has been found. When the general laments their lack of cell phones, I tell him playfully that American Indians had to use smoke signals to communicate. Some drugs seized at the border are burned on the spot for the benefit of journalists. The drugs here—37 kilos of heroin and kilos of opium, hashish, and marijuana—have been seized inside Tajikistan. The smell is overwhelming, with an ammonia-like intensity. By contrast, Iran, which has the highest rate of opiate use in the world, has gotten tough at the Afghan border and as a result has lost 3, border troops in shoot-outs with traffickers since What we have is old Soviet equipment that is obsolete. General Nazarov has no authority over these commanders. He cannot do anything, since they are more powerful than he is. In particular, the Russians, who frequently deliver aid to the Northern Alliance, whether there is a war on or not, are not scrutinized. Stories about the corruption that allows the multibillion-dollar scourge from Afghanistan to flourish over a huge swath of the globe are sad and alarming. Frederick Starr, chairman of the Central Asia—Caucasus Institute at the Johns Hopkins Nitze School of Advanced International Studies in Washington, recounts a harrowing incident that took place at over 15, feet above sea level on one of the highest roads in the world—between Khorog in southern Tajikistan and Osh in Kyrgyzstan. The mile route is part of the Osh Knot, and until recently, when the main lines shifted west, the whole drug trade passed through there. The young soldiers in the back waved, so we stopped. It was 20 degrees below zero, and we had tea in a hut with the Russian officers. Meanwhile, they were running drugs. Starr took pity on the young men. That was in , and I have no reason to believe that anything has changed. That was facilitated by the Russian Army placing its st Division down there. In a Division plane flying to Moscow was found to have eight kilos of drugs aboard, including three kilos of heroin. Twelve soldiers were arrested. To find out, I track down in Moscow the only Russian official who has spoken on the record about this issue. Anton V. Last spring he told the Moscow News that the mayor of Dushanbe was a major drug dealer. When we meet, Surikov makes it clear that he is not speaking as a member of the Russian government, but rather from his experience in various government posts and his many trips to Central Asia. Tajik officials own real estate in Florida. How high does this corruption go? Officials in the lower ranges are not involved directly, but they get some money. For example, a drug dealer in the army asks to be sent to Tajikistan, and he pays for this position. In general, the total amount of drugs seized this year \[to November\] is 5. We could have built a dam out of the sacks and packages burned in Moscovsky and Panj border outposts during this year. It is true that the border guards, who seize two-thirds of the drugs confiscated in Tajikistan, were more active in , exchanging fire with smugglers at least 50 times. Or are the guards under greater pressure to perform because the border has tightened as a result of the war? Or are individuals in the highest echelons belatedly realizing the terrible toll rampant addiction in parts of the Russian Federation is taking? Unfortunately, I am not going to be able to ask General Markin any of these questions. Permission to interview the general, I am told, would take at least a month to obtain from Moscow, and the two bureaucrats I speak to are not interested in giving me any undue help. I have no one in the Russian border-guard service smuggling or delivering drugs. Mass media has mentioned it, but without evidence. I manage to elicit a laugh when I ask them if getting rid of the Taliban will mean getting rid of heroin in Afghanistan. It is poignant to see how the once mighty Soviet military machine has disintegrated. We could not even buy one truck this year. When I reach the world headquarters of the U. Pino Arlacchi, the onetime Mafia investigator who heads the office, is on his way out, in large part because he has insulted donor countries by bypassing the traditional U. Now an international evaluation team of six men, paid by the United States, is being assembled to go and see General Nazarov and his agency for themselves. Since Ihave just come from Dushanbe, they ask if I would brief them. I outline some of what I saw and think to myself that there could hardly be much sophistication required to see the gaping need to support the Tajik Drug Control Agency. The people in the agency, I tell them, wear some of the few white hats in the region. The real question is much broader. What are the U. After all, the Taliban ban on poppy growing was the largest, most successful interdiction of drugs in history, resulting in a 91 percent reduction in the cultivation of opium poppies. The U. Would those in charge now keep enforcing the ban and provide alternatives to Afghan farmers? We ran four programs for alternative crops—wheat and onions. An equally important and even more delicate problem is whether the United States is willing to impose conditions on its aid to Pakistan and the other Central Asian countries with regard to their complicity in running drugs. Will they specifically say to Pakistan that you cannot traffic in drugs? The Pakistani, Iranian, and Turkish networks are the ones making the money. You have politicians, but underneath you have businessmen—some honest, a lot of them dishonest. Raman, charges that Pakistan has two kinds of savings deposits and that one of them is not taxed, i. After reading the article, I call Benazir Bhutto, a former prime minister of Pakistan, who was accused of corruption by the current regime and is living in exile in Dubai. She is quite forthcoming. What will the United States do now? While the war was being waged last November, Afghan farmers were apparently busy planting a huge new crop of the opium poppy. And according to Roberto Arbitrio, the program coordinator of the U. If the flag changes direction, so does the wind. But the United States does not want to take the sole initiative, and so far there appears to be a lack of understanding among the various international aid givers and government agencies of the symbiotic relationship among economic and agricultural development, drug control, and the elimination of terrorism. As yet, the United States has not declared itself on whether its aid money will be used as a carrot or a stick. One positive development is that the Drug Enforcement Administration has chosen the personnel for a new office in Uzbekistan that will open sometime this year. The question is whether the United States will tell Pakistan, which came on board for the war and is cooperating to prevent a nuclear confrontation with India, that it has to rein in its ISI as well as its militants. Further, will we let Russia and the other Central Asian countries whose oligarchs and officials are profiting from drugs know we will no longer reward those who tolerate the flagrant corruption? Can we just say no? Rarely has there been a more auspicious moment to help eliminate a worldwide scourge and bring corrupt officials to heel. Archive VF Shop Magazine. Save this story Save. Most Popular. By Hadley Hall Meares. The Best Movies of , So Far. By Richard Lawson. By Mark McKinnon. Maureen Orth Special Correspondent. Maureen Orth is a special correspondent at Vanity Fair. 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