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Federal government websites often end in. Before sharing sensitive information, make sure you're on a federal government site. The site is secure. NCBI Bookshelf. Deb Roy R. Malarial parasites … are as natural amongst primitive races as flea infestation is to a dog. The various social lives of government quinine in British India were not confined within the walls of insulated colonial factories and laboratories. Quinine was reconstituted through the predicaments and processes of circulation. The decades following were marked by a unique phase in the history of colonial governance in British India. They witnessed unprecedented governmental rigour in enforcing consumption of the imperial drug quinine across the subcontinent, whilst the corresponding diagnostic category of malaria itself was redefined beyond recognition: from an elusive cause of many diseases to the name of a specific mosquito-borne fever disease. Ironically, therefore, the colonial state retained and enforced the drug quinine as a quintessential remedy at the precise moment when the corresponding problem of malaria was radically reinvented and ascribed with newer meanings. This converged with official lamentation about an enduring slump in the wider imperial economy of quinine, apparently the result of an excessive supply of cinchona barks from Dutch Java into the European markets, overproduction of quinine and a consequent shrinking of demands. British India emerged, by the s, as the world's largest quinine consuming market. Many scholarly works have explained such reconfigurations of knowledge about malaria by focusing on the agency of individual scientists and their networks of collaborators. In the s, quinine, mosquitoes and malaria emerged as intrinsic components of shared, symbiotic and interdependent histories. Meanwhile, mosquitoes had emerged as a subject of enduring attention in the disparate fields of entomological science, sanitary governance, plantation economy and vernacular literature. The reconfiguration of malaria into a mosquito-borne fever disease at the turn of the century can be attributed to the metamorphoses of mosquitoes into a subject of overwhelming public spectacle. Unprecedented enthusiasm relating to the newer meanings conferred upon mosquitoes and malaria augmented rather than displaced the significance of quinine as an object of enforced consumption in various parts of British India. Such historical imbrications of mosquitoes, quinine and malaria were produced and sustained by the enduring overlaps between the worlds of pharmaceutical commerce, scientific knowledge, colonial governance and vernacular cultures. In these many-layered worlds held together by Empire malaria, mosquitoes and quinine were reshaped as vibrant, commodious and entangled entities, deserving of attention, intervention and investment. At the same time, while being produced by the discourses and enactments of imperial politics, mosquitoes, quinine and malaria emerged as indispensable subjects and constituents of Empire. This chapter continues to engage histories of empire with science studies to suggest the ways in which histories of insects, commodities, disease and empire interacted and shaped one another. It goes beyond celebrating mosquitoes and quinine as historical actors, and more critically examines the processes and perceptions through which these were endowed with enduring medical attributes in the imperial archive and beyond. Thus, it raises methodological questions about how the historical inscriptions of nonhumans like mosquitoes or quinine can be narrated while retaining a critique of the links between empire and the production of scientific knowledge. By the early s, government factories based in Mungpoo and Nedivattam claimed that they were capable of supplying pure quinine at the cheapest possible price. The validity of these claims was queried by a number of contenders. Indeed, the prices levied by these factories on quinine were subjected to vigorous scrutiny in the following decades. The managers of these factories, in turn, continued to reiterate programmatic statements, which had been associated with the introduction of cinchona into British India since the s. These factories manufactured quinine, it was suggested, not for profit but as charitable ways to offer medical relief. Such efforts presumably reflected the benevolent and humanitarian face of the colonial state in British India. The government resolved to distribute quinine at much less than the ruling market rates — at or even below the cost of production. Despite this, contemporary government correspondences reveal sustained efforts towards averting such losses. Officials had to deal with allegations about the higher price of quinine supplied from the factories at Mungpoo and Nedivattam. The price of government quinine allegedly exceeded the rates charged by private sellers in European markets from the early s. It is doubtful whether the rates charged by the government factories in British India were ever considered an index of fair, normative price of quinine. The managers of the factory at Mungpoo claimed to have invented a process for manufacturing the cheapest possible quinine in By , official files began to reflect efforts at curbing the rising price of government quinine, by placing greater trust on the prices charged by influential private operators in Europe. In course of the following two decades, the price of government quinine remained consistently higher than the rates charged by private European firms. In July , Rai Saheb B. Kabra, who worked as the Chief Medical Officer for the Poonch State, released a comparative table of prices of sulphates of quinine levied by various firms. These included besides the government factory in Calcutta, Burroughs Wellcome and Co. The table suggests that alternative sources of quinine continued to supply the drug at cheaper rates. He referred to the British pharmacopoeia to suggest how the commercially agreeable form of the drug was required to contain at least 95 per cent of the alkaloid, quinine. In August , George King warned of extensive practices of adulteration in the medical market. Under the prevailing circumstances, he thought, the bazaar quotations for Howard's or Herring's quinine had to be considered with caution. He alleged that shopkeepers in the Calcutta bazaar frequently adulterated or even replaced quinine with inferior preparations of the cinchona barks such as muriate of cinchonine or sulphate of cinchonidine. Empty quinine bottles with Howards' or Herring's labels on them, he feared, could bring a price in to the bazaar far beyond their intrinsic value. A range of medical bureaucrats considered the higher price of government quinine not only unavoidable, but also desirable, since it conformed to certain political commitments of the British government. The sale of government quinine below the market rate was shown to have been detrimental to the ideologies of free trade and to the profit-maximising interests of private enterprise. It was feared it might lead to unpleasant competitions with private firms. The higher price of government quinine was thus projected as one way of ensuring the prospects of privately initiated quinine trade in British India. The bureaucrats preferred uniformity in the pricing of the drug to lowering the cost of government quinine. Concessional rates, it was apprehended, were liable to be abused by middlemen interested in speculating in quinine. Such groups could buy up cheaper government quinine at concessional rates and retail them at profit. Enforcing uniformity in the price of quinine was thus highlighted as one way of purging corrupt speculative ventures out of the market. However, the most persistent set of justifications about the higher price of government quinine referred to the cinchona plantations in British India. The state-owned plantations in British India were shown to have been in decline since the mids. This effectively meant that government quinine factories in Madras and Bengal emerged as rival buyers in a cinchona market dominated by private planters. As a result, the government factories had to purchase expensive bark from private growers. This in turn, it was argued, caused an abrupt increase in the cost of production. By , the price difference between quinine manufactured in government factories in British India and its counterparts in Europe was sharp. In , government quinine in British India reportedly sold at Rs. In view of this, officials in charge of various government institutions in British India began contemplating the direct purchase of quinine from the open market. In January , it was proposed that they could, if required, act as a liaison between the Bengal government and manufacturers of quinine based in Dutch Java. A range of colonial bureaucrats, including managers of the reportedly dwindling government cinchona plantations in British India, resisted such proposals. They described the availability of cheaper varieties of quinine in the open markets of Europe and Java as a transitory phase in the history of the commodity. The gradual deterioration of the government cinchona plantations in British India, it was suggested, coincided with a phase of overproduction of cinchona barks in the island of Java, which had glutted the European market. In alone Java exported more than 16 million pounds of barks; and between and , shipments from Java averaged 12 million pounds annually. Such enormous outturn was described as unprecedented and which considerably exceeded the demand for the barks. This, it was argued, initiated a cascading effect which caused the price of quinine in the European markets to fall drastically. Yet, British Indian bureaucrats like A. Gage, the superintendent of the cinchona cultivation in Bengal, asserted that a return of high price of quinine in the open European market was imminent. An agreement between dominant Javanese planters deliberately restricting the supply of cinchona barks, it was feared, could reinvigorate the price of quinine in the wider imperial world. Besides, shifts in the priorities of the Javanese planters could displace cinchona by sugarcane or rubber as the predominant object of investment. It was thus predicted that government quinine manufactured in British India would not retain its higher price indefinitely. Bureaucrats like Gage considered it imprudent to discontinue government plantations and factories under such circumstances. Instead, they recommended that the government should purchase superior breeds of Javanese cinchona barks at cheaper rates from Holland. Potential sites for new state-owned cinchona plantations in North Bengal, the North East and the Andamans were contemplated. By , the significance of British India as a cinchona-growing and quinine-manufacturing territory was on the decline. Statistics released at the beginning of the twentieth century situated it amongst many colonial locations including Ceylon, Africa and South America where governments had initiated cinchona plantations. By then, however, the subservience of British India to the superiority of Dutch Java in the world of cinchona planters was complete. Nonetheless, British India remained significant in the world of quinine trade. The basis of that significance, however, had shifted considerably. British India figured in many accounts as one of the largest markets for quinine in the world in the first decade of the twentieth century. Despite the government's persistence with Indian cinchona plantations and quinine factories, in effect, only 12 per cent of the enormous consumption was supplied by the dwindling factories in India. The years — witnessed declining prices, shrinking demand and overproduction of quinine in most of the world. Private firms and colonial governments searched for new markets for the drug. In this context, extensive distribution and effective governance of quinine appeared as much more relevant than planting cinchonas and manufacturing quinine. Colonial governments in British India initiated elaborate and enduring ways of distributing quinine in these decades, which yielded the desired results. In sharp contrast to the situation elsewhere, the demand and price of quinine in British India was higher than ever before. As a result, British India remained significant in global quinine trade. Bureaucratic correspondences in British India in these decades reveal an irony. At the same time, the officials felt compelled to lament the higher price of government quinine in British India. This contradiction emerged from the government's compulsion to speak in the language of charity whilst acting in the interests of profit. This section and the next explore how quinine was reconstituted through the government's efforts at distributing, popularising and ensuring its consumption in British India. The production of quinine was thus not confined within the walls of factories and laboratories. But rather, quinine was transformed through the processes and predicaments of circulation. The energies and investments of the colonial state were geared towards sustained attempts at distributing the drug in s and s. Various categories were invoked to describe the vigour, extent and depth of the efforts to circulate quinine beyond the factories, hospitals, urban enclaves and official institutions. Sustained official efforts were resumed and reinforced only in the s. As I will explore in the epilogue, cures and potions for malarial diseases constituted a thriving vernacular market, for instance, in Bengal. The colonial state's efforts in the s did not represent the first or the only attempts towards distributing quinine. The routes conceived by the colonial state for the convenient circulation of quinine had been traversed already by various actors in the vernacular markets. However, after the colonial governments designed strategies of distributing quinine with unprecedented vigour. The reinforcement of state initiatives in the early s began with an acknowledgment of past failures. The sales of imported quinine, it was alleged, had been so far confined within the district and subdivisional headquarters. To flesh out such apprehensions, the prospective consumers in the interiors were variously stereotyped in the official files. Answers to this question revealed the colonial governments' various understandings about how questions of political legitimacy and acceptability might have been perceived by the intended consumers. European officials and physicians were assumed to have authority over colonised Indian consumers. Such officials, it was suggested, were considered exotic characters and most frequently associated with institutional power. Insistence from such officials could carry the weight of a regulation. The purchase and consumption of quinine, it was suggested, should not appear as an outcome of rigorous punitive imposition but of voluntary appreciation. Quinine manufactured in the government factory at Mungpoo was to be made up into very small packets. Each packet, according to government instruction, was to contain 5 grains, worth 1 pice each. Juvenile delinquents at the school and convict labourers at the depot were entrusted with receiving quinine from the factory, preparing the envelopes and filling them with quinine. The consent of the Post Master General of Bengal was sought. It was recommended that the packing factories at Hazaribagh and Calcutta would supply every post office in Bengal with a permanent stock of a sufficient number of packets. When a postmaster found that his stock was running short he was directed to requisition the packing factory for a fresh supply. The central depots were expected to comply with the requisition order by sending the required number of packets which the postmaster paid for on receipt. The postmaster was expected to finance the procurement of new supplies from the sale of previously received quinine. A nominal remuneration was proposed to induce the postmaster to encourage sales, initially fixed at one anna for every sale amounting to one rupee. The government factory at Madras was responsible for the supply of quinine to Burma, the United Provinces, Central Provinces and Bombay. Quinine was supplied to the remaining provinces from the factory at Mungpoo. Postmen were considered better distributed across the rural interiors of the districts in British India than officials associated with the revenue or police departments. These intentions are echoed in a contemporary signboard see Figure 5. Nor were strategies of enforcing the consumption of quinine subsumed within the intricate networks of the postal department. In Burma, for instance, a range of agents was considered in November , including the Myooks or subordinate magistrates in charge of towns, forest officers, sergeants of police stations, thugyis or headmen of circles or villages, bazaar gaungs or headmen, and vaccinators. It was also recommended that the sale of quinine could be popularised by the police constables on beat patrol. These vendors were to be supplied with one parcel each containing packets of quinine. The worth of every parcel was estimated at Rs. However, the vendors were likely to receive it at Rs. The balance of 1 anna and 6 pies was to be considered as remuneration for the vendor's efforts. Dissemination of knowledge about the drug through the medium of released convicts was also proposed, besides extensive distribution of handbills. Private employers, including zamindars, indigo and tea planters were also permitted to procure quinine from the Superintendent of Jail Manufactures and sell the drug. The government devised means of distributing quinine in locations not connected by the post. Quinine emboldened the government with an object and an objective with which to reach out to the interiors. Government correspondence, in turn, described quinine and the interiors as alien to and yet intimately adaptive with one another. Apart from resulting in a communalisation of quinine, exigencies of circulation reconfigured some of its physical attributes. However, as the following section shows, as a commodity-in-motion, quinine was not only reconstituted, but also, in turn, exposed fractures and tensions in between provincial governments, besides revealing various imperial prejudices. In establishing new distribution networks, the government was keen to police against the possibility of corruption of the purity of quinine. These anxieties went back to the early s, when the state had begun distributing anti-malarial drugs in the form of cinchona febrifuge. These acts of policing often resulted in punishment. In January , for example, Dr Bensley, the civil surgeon of Nuddea in the Bengal Presidency, was suspended for misappropriation of cinchona febrifuge in the interest of private trade. Nonetheless, the higher authorities went ahead with the punishment. They did, however, acknowledge the merits of some of the measures initiated by Bensley. Innovations by officials located in the interiors often made the distribution of state-manufactured drugs more convenient. This opened up the intriguing administrative challenge of distinguishing between acceptable forms of innovation and corruption. Such tensions survived and were augmented in the following decades with the state-initiated efforts of distributing quinine into the interiors. It was feared that they could then package it as more expensive forms of European quinine and re-sell it at greater profit. Labelling the physical appearance of government quinine with an inerasable and distinctive marker figured as a credible way of ensuring purity. To that effect, most of the quinine manufactured by the government in Madras was coloured pink between and Pink colour thus emerged as a label for government quinine manufactured in Madras while serving as an assurance of purity. These requests, however, were turned down. Pink quinine revealed interprovincial tensions between Madras and Bengal. In March , David Prain, then Director of the Botanical Survey of India and erstwhile Superintendent of the Botanic gardens in Calcutta, questioned the prudence of such acts of colouring. Any additional colouring of the drug, he feared, would constitute a more expensive and long process. Contrary to the claims of officials representing Madras, he thought that the public more generally associated the best forms of the drug with whiteness. By the late s, antagonism between officials reached new depths over the difference in price charged for government quinines manufactured in the two provinces. In January , the price for quinine supplied by the Bengal government was fixed in accordance with the average wholesale price of Howard's quinine prevalent in the preceding year. This amounted to Rs. Meanwhile, the Madras government broke away from the prevalent convention of determining the price of government quinine. Accordingly, a price of Rs. This was considered much lower than the existing market rates. This could, it was alleged by Bengal, disturb the uniformity in the price of the commodity, drive private enterprise out of the British Indian market, and undermine the credibility of the government factory in Bengal. For a while, officials in Bengal protested in vain for the price of Madras quinine to be raised. Thereafter they turned combative. This appeared to exceed the permissible limit allowed by the British pharmacopeia, that is, 3 per cent. Thus, pink colouration, it was suggested, could not be considered a guarantee of purity. While British officials in India were debating the physical appearance of pure quinine, greater clarity emerged on the colour of less pure and ineffective forms of quinine. Colouring quinine was certainly not the only safeguard adopted by the governments in British India towards protecting its purity from potential abuse, when the drug was being circulated beyond the secure confines of chemical laboratories and factories. A range of other steps was considered to protect the commodity from being retailed or abused. It was recommended, for instance, that no consumer should be sold more than a certain number of packets of government quinine. To guard against tampering with quinine packets or the substitution of quinine by inferior articles, routine inspections of post offices were conducted. These careful safeguards notwithstanding, desperate acts of fraud — ranging from attempts to forge government labels and packets to selling adulterated forms of the drug — continued to figure in official correspondence. One such case was reported in May—June Mahim Chandra Dutta and his son Shashi Kumar were joint proprietors of a grocery business, and owned a shop at Sapar Hat in the jurisdiction of Matbaria thana in the Pirojur subdivision of the Backergunge district in Bengal. On the days of the weekly bazaar, they sold groceries at the Tushkhali Hat. A branch post office located in Tushkhali sold government quinine in pice packets of 5 grains each to the public. In June , the postmaster of that branch reported to the manager of the jail depot in Calcutta accusing Sashikumar of engaging in fraudulent acts. On instruction from the Inspector General of Jails, the postmaster sent 32 packets of S. Dutta's quinine for analysis by the chemical examiner. This revealed that S. Amongst many other items, he found some packets of government quinine, a tin containing white powder, rubber stamps and pads and ink for putting the impression on the envelopes. Shasikumar was tried and convicted on charges framed under sections , , and — of the Indian penal code and under sections 6 and 7 of the Merchandise Marks Act The convictions were upheld, it was observed, because Sashikumar had falsely claimed that the packets contained pure quinine. He was sentenced to six months of rigorous imprisonment. The details of this case are suggestive. A network of post officials, chemical analysts, police inspectors and legal clauses were in place to detect, report, investigate, convict and punish acts of fraud in relation to quinine. Despite this, the image of quinine as a profitable commodity seems to have excited the imaginations of a range of actors in marketplaces across Bengal. Ironically, meanwhile, the corresponding diagnostic category, malaria, itself underwent considerable mutations. The increasing recognition of a range of microorganisms by the early s as the generic cause behind different forms of diseases brought insects into the centre of public health discourse. In this process, the category malaria was retained, but redefined in various quarters as the name of a fever disease caused by parasites. Although the redefinition of malaria from a generic cause of many diseases to an insect-borne fever disease was far from complete in the first decade of the twentieth century, the category became more associated with parasites, insect vectors, fevers and blood samples than ever before. It was not achieved in a day, or by the brilliance of any particular individual, or through the initiative of any specific institution. It reflected the scientific investments and political priorities of an entire generation. The initiatives of Ronald Ross constituted a crucial moment in that history. Ross, in significant ways, was a product of the British Empire. As a trained physician, Ross served the colonial Indian Medical Service in different parts of the subcontinent for about two decades to Ross's microscope-based findings in the late s corroborated by his British collaborators and Italian detractors contributed eventually to the identification of certain species of mosquitoes as the vectors for transmitting malarial parasites between human bodies. However, the process through which Ross's findings acquired wider currency and credibility was long and chequered, and was not confined to the laboratory. The widespread recognition acquired by the theory that mosquitoes were the insect vectors for malaria, this section argues, need to be situated within the broader history of enduring prejudices held towards insects more generally, and mosquitoes in particular, in colonial India and beyond. A range of visitors to Ross's laboratory in Calcutta in the late s, from J. Daniels to Leonard Rogers, were deeply impressed with him but left unmoved by the hypothesis. Insects attracted variously the attention of British officials in India from late eighteenth century: as objects of collection, cataloguing, and exchanging, as items of commerce, as means of punishing suspected criminals, and rarely yet strikingly as sources of food. As the historian Richard Jones has recently shown, protection from insects, particularly mosquitoes, mobilised a range of commodities from the end of the nineteenth century. January Credit: more Reproduced in R. Credit: Wellcome Library, London. However, from the s onwards, plantation money was used to fund travel to research insect pests, affecting industrially relevant vegetation. In September , E. Over a period of three years, Cotes was expected to study and report on the various insects that were alleged to destroy agricultural crops and commercially valuable plants. It is revealing to note that the Indian Tea Association elaborately sponsored his extensive entomological tours. Stebbing, the erstwhile Deputy Conservator of Forests, was appointed the first Economic Entomologist to the government of India. Ross's proposals were thus not isolated pleas for killing mosquitoes. Apart from colonial governments, as hinted already, Ross's expeditions were funded extensively by industrial concerns like the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce, the Steamship Owners' Association, the Ship Owners' Association and the West African Trade Association. Such extensive recruitments metamorphosed mosquitoes into subjects of unprecedented attention, observation and interest, beyond the usual confines of entomological laboratories and naturalists see Figure 5. In January , the government of Bombay offered four prizes for a year's observations on the distribution and habits of mosquitoes in certain towns in the Presidency. The prizes ranged from Rs. The competition was not restricted to the government servants. The Bombay Natural History Society was requested to adjudicate the prizes. Photograph of sanitary measures being undertaken against mosquitoes. From R. Credit: Wellcome Library London. Neither Ross's discovery nor the expeditions initiated by him in the early s revealed radically new arenas in the prevailing geographies of malaria. On the contrary, such expeditions were precisely organised in locations that had been labelled as notoriously malarial in the medical geographies of empires from the mid-nineteenth century. Ross's expeditions also constituted of revisiting such locations to find evidence in favour of the theory he was so keen on establishing. The mosquito brigades occasioned a spectacular network of correspondences, reports, recruitments, travels, subscriptions, fund collections, methods and personnel between various sites in British India, British Western and Central Africa, Hong Kong, Havana, New York, Dutch Java and German Africa. But these expeditions equally emerged as occasions to establish the validity of laboratory speculations. These, Ross acknowledged, provided as much recognition to his theory as the accomplishments attained within the enclosed spaces of the laboratory. In apparent contrast to such grim images, the deeply layered world of literary production, for instance in Bengali, featured mosquitoes as ubiquitous objects of fun, satire and irritation. Mosquitoes featured in the works of a range of authors: from a novel written by civil servant cum writer of fantasies Trailokyanath Mukhopadhyay in the s to some of Rabindranath Tagore's poems in — Painful, irritating yet funny encounters between human skin and mosquitoes' stings remained an enduring theme in a range of fables, fantasies and poetry. Certain recurrent tropes, however, appeared amicably to speak to, draw upon and reinforce the more prosaic worlds of bureaucratic correspondence. In the s, objects associated with mosquitoes began figuring in texts like Moshari Rahasya Mystery of the Mosquito Curtain as a metaphor for domestic scandals, immorality and decadent social practices. Moreover, Ross's insistence on a war on mosquitoes was parodied variously, for instance, in educational pamphlets like Moshar Juddho War of Mosquitoes published in see Figure 5. British Library, Shelfmark: Ben. Illustrator: Upendrakishore Chatterjee, in Ramananda Chatterjee ed. Such literary images caricatured, mimicked and sustained suggestions about a potentially harmful, nonhuman world of quotidian insects. As a recurrent trope and a subject of enduring concern, mosquitoes thus held together the disparate worlds of entomological laboratories, literary production, sanitary governance and plantation economy. The emergence of mosquitoes to prominence in the vocabulary of public health administration altered considerably the meaning of the word malaria. Writing in December , John H. Most of these causes of death, he suggested, could be considered as autonomous diseases which deserved to be reported separately. At this time, malarial fevers were described as intrinsic features of the classical antiquity of various nations. It was claimed in Bengali medical journals, for instance, that the ancient Ayurvedic texts made several references to malarial fevers and parasites. However, the transformation of the diagnostic category malaria remained incomplete in the early s in significant ways. Besides, in clinical deployments malaria retained much of the elasticity ascribed to it in the nineteenth century. The detection of parasites in the blood through microscopic tests, for instance, did not become the only diagnostic practice in identifying malarial patients. Similarly, malaria sustained its prior associations with urban insanitation, poverty, labouring classes, agricultural stagnation and racial degeneration. Mosquitoes, malaria and these conditions appeared congenial with one another and inseparable. Earlier aetiological judgments were reiterated and retrospectively justified by an invocation of the figure of mosquitoes. Such continuing faith was now restored on the basis of a novel explanation. Similarly, colonial bureaucrats often explained the proclivity of certain poorer groups of people to malarial diseases by asserting the attributes they apparently shared with mosquitoes. Senior officials in British India, Captain S. Christophers and Dr C. Such insinuations that parasites and certain colonised people were intimately associated should be seen in the context of an enduring European tradition in which the expression parasites was regarded as a derogatory symbol. The anthropologist Hugh Raffles has drawn on the work of Alex Bein to show that the word parasite was used not just to express modern anti-Semitic contempt for Jews. At the same time, the increasing recurrence of mosquitoes and parasites in literature about malaria transformed it into a more visible, tangible and precise phenomenon than ever before. Reports on malarial fevers began listing different varieties of anopheles mosquitoes which were held to cause different degrees of malarial fevers. Fuliginosus, A. Rossii, A. Listoni , etc. Mosquitoes and parasites made malaria quantifiable. Malaria could now be expressed as a number to be counted, controlled and compared. Efficiencies of various anti-malarial actions could now as well be expressed in terms of numbers. Although frequent references to mosquitoes and parasites delimited the category in various ways, malaria nonetheless acquired unprecedented visibility in the official registers. Mosquitoes, parasites, blood samples and fevers: these newer tangible, precise and even numerable indicators appear to have suited the managerial instincts of the colonial governments. These empowered them with more definite targets against which to act as accountable agents. Books on malaria written by colonial officials witnessed unforeseen circulation. Captain S. Within a year, two editions of copies each were sold out. James received an honorarium of Rs. Anti-malarial projects provided occasions to test the fundraising abilities of various members of royal families. This was conceived as a consolidated fund for the British Empire. Contributions were solicited from various parts of the Empire. On the contrary, quinine distribution and killing mosquitoes, often literally, happened hand in hand. There were attempts, for instance, to divert funds from the Indian People's Famine Trust to aid the distribution of quinine in the villages of Ajmer-Merwara province in British India. Indeed, along with shifts in insights about malaria, the status of quinine appeared almost equally malleable. The recognition of mosquitoes and parasites as subjects worthy of enduring attention thus stoked unprecedented enthusiasm for anti-malarial schemes. It was further alleged that the government was selling quinine at Rs. Thus, such commitment to push the sales of quinine in British India did not necessarily indicate disinterested altruism on the part of the state. Two decades earlier, as I have noted in the previous chapter , prisoners in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands who were subjected to the trial of anti-malarial drugs including quinine and cinchona febrifuge were denied their share of the more expensive daily milk ration. Therefore, while encouraging the purchase and consumption of quinine, state departments proposed various adjustments to make sure that they were not the ones suffering financially for it. Quinine widely emerged as an object of enforced consumption in British India in the late s. Wider governmental alacrity in addressing questions concerning malaria was reflected in a series of strategies in ensuring greater consumption of quinine. These, in turn, manifested in firmly punitive, carefully accommodative and exhaustively pedagogical efforts to access and regulate incompletely colonised bodies. While detailing such various faces of imperial biopower this final section suggests how, in the process, quinine itself underwent further reconstitutions. These efforts should not however be explained as immediate expressions of overwhelming economic logics, while admitting their unmistakable relevance. Although regimes of biopower and political economy conversed they were not reducible to one another. Taken together they considerably constituted what functioned as empire in British India in the s. Quinine began to figure as a necessary element in the inmates' timetable through which stricter discipline could be mobilised. In the official itineraries of quinine, high schools, military barracks and especially prisons featured amongst inescapable sites. Quinine thus revealed a hierarchy of disciplinary institutions in British India. High schools like the Delhi Normal School, for example, compelled staff and the pupils to consume biweekly doses of seven grains of quinine. Quinine parades were daily conducted under the supervision of the jailor and the hospital assistant in every prison in Punjab. The jailor was responsible for ensuring the presence of all prisoners in their respective yards, enclosures and cells prior to every quinine parade. He counted all prisoners who actually received the mixture. Finally, the jailor had to certify, under his signature in the hospital assistant's journal, the number of prisoners who had been dosed. Quinine was then distributed amongst the officials, cooks, sweepers and hospital attendants. The question of quinine enabled officials to project prisons as ideal sites which guaranteed freedom from malaria. Out of every one thousand victims of malaria, it was suggested, merely one could be considered a prisoner. In the abstruse logic of medical governance, jails were projected as a model which should be replicated everywhere to ensure the safest and most beneficial abodes for colonial subjects. However, the most stringent measures of distributing quinine, it was argued, were more plausible in the jails than in the regimental lines. Enforced consumption of quinine was pursued by officials beyond the prisoner's cell and the native soldier's bunk. Further, quinine calendars were also in vogue to indicate the number of occasions in which soldiers and officials had missed their mandatory dose of quinine. Quinine, however, was not fed exclusively through punitive measures or in situations of confinement. The caption of Figure 5. Photographer: Frederick Marshman Bailey; Shelfmark: Photo more Messrs Burroughs Wellcome and Co. Particularly, to attract the children, solutions of quinine were sweetened with syrup and sugar, while powdered forms were often blended with condensed milk. Figures 5. Hunt, through diary entries and photographs see Figure 5. Photographer: Edmund Henderson Hunt. Shelfmark: more Unsurprisingly, quinine became the focus of various pedagogical programmes. Already in , the statistical officer to the government, S. At any given period, its operations were expected to remain confined to a population not exceeding people. James had an estimate of the numbers of people who could be reached out through such camps. Besides, vernacular booklets about malaria were recommended as parts of primary school curriculum. Apart from binding themselves into consuming 15 grains of quinine per week, the members of the Gurdaspur Quinine Distribution Society, for instance, pledged to induce as many as possible to become members of the society. Branches were set up in various villages, tehsils and districts. Every member had to pay a subscription of 6 annas and join by a contribution of 1 rupee and 2 annas. Photographer: Anonymous, c. Thus, the drug quinine and the efforts to enforce its consumption in British India revealed various depths and reaches of the imperial state. However, quinine itself did not figure as a passive, rigid and unchanging object. Its relevance and resilience was recurrently underscored, while it kept changing hands, reconstituting itself considerably in the process. A colonial consumer field for an overabundant drug was produced by imperial regimes in British India in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Ironically, this happened at a time when the radical redefinition of the corresponding disease, malaria, was being occasioned by the same imperial world. Quinine and mosquitoes represented two most visible public faces associated with malaria in British India between the late s and the s. Through my focus on quinine and mosquitoes, I have here emphasised the need for greater acknowledgment of deep historical entanglements of Empire with nonhumans in British India. First, various imperial departments, personnel and provinces shared a commitment for producing perceptions and realities about mosquitoes and quinine. This chapter has refrained from judging whether anopheles mosquitoes indeed transmitted malarial parasites between human bodies or whether quinine indeed cured malaria. It has instead examined the traffic between the imperial worlds of pharmaceutical business, vernacular markets, colonial governance and scientific knowledge in British India through which mosquitoes and quinine could be endowed with such enduring attributes. Similarly the image of mosquitoes as a potential disease-causing pest was sustained and reinforced by interactions between the worlds of colonial laboratories, plantation economy, field works and vernacular literary production. At the same time, imperial processes and structures themselves were reshaped and sustained by the constructs, such as quinine and mosquitoes, which they occasioned. Thus, Empire itself could have hardly remained a distant, overarching and imposing entity independent of the script it mobilised. Circulation of quinine was one of many ways in which the Empire could be held together as a profit-making mission veiled by benevolence. Enduring debates between contending provincial governments about the fair price and colour of pure quinine, in turn, exposed several fault lines and tensions of empire. In many ways, quinine seems to have been a metaphor for empire: bitter, expensive and transformative which could be mutated variously to appear as charitable, reasonable and even palatable. Particularly revealing is to make sense of the location of quinine and mosquitoes in imperial biopolitics. Efforts towards imposing the consumption of quinine in British India, for instance, reinforced various aspects of imperial biopower: utilitarian governance, pedagogical machineries, rule of law and strictures of incarceration. Such widespread efforts metamorphosed mosquitoes into subjects of Empire. Engagement with mosquitoes indicated the depth and extent of Empire. In anthropomorphic accounts, mosquitoes symbolised colonial poverty, insanitation, recalcitrance and redundant excesses. Yet, mosquitoes commanded continued attention as an object of imagination, an excuse for intervention and commerce and a mirror against which humanity could be defined. Thus, mosquitoes appeared not only to justify imperial rule, but also figured as its subjects. Interactive networks explored here, for instance, amongst insects, insecticides, tinsmiths, coolies, sweepers, itinerant parasitologists, parasites, vernacular fiction writers, entrepreneurs, bureaucrats, commodities, government factories, post offices, peons, bazaar vendors, policemen, outposts, jailors, inmates, soldiers, sealing bottles, carmine, colouring matter, alkaloids may be said to have constituted not only mosquitoes and quinine, but also an imperial apparatus. Finally, the history of malaria, quinine and mosquitoes in late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries also reveals how distinctions between the human and the nonhuman were constantly invoked, policed and dismantled within the imperial apparatus. The ascription of humanly attributes to nonhumans often coalesced with the relegation of various colonised subjects to the status of less-than-humans. Simultaneous operation of anthropomorphism and dehumanisation was fundamental rather than incidental to imperial exercise of power. See for instance, J. For a recent sophisticated work on cinchona and its economy of substitutes in an eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century British imperial context, see P. See also, P. Mills and P. Barton eds. See for instance, H. A recent essay has hinted that quinine distribution and mosquito eradication in early twentieth-century British India often happened simultaneously. The works of James Webb and Frank Snowden address together both the themes of malaria and its cure. Extending their insights I comment on how the medicalisation of mosquitoes and the unprecedented circulation of quinine in the s informed and shaped one another. Rev-Agriculture, Agriculture, April Kabra to W. G, May—June , Seebpore. Rev-agriculture, Agriculture. September P, 21 August , Seebpore. Municipal, Medical, March , Progs. Stuart to Secretary, Government of Punjab, Home department. Dustan to J. Wilson, Secretary, Government of India, 25 July KW No. Home, Public, April , A; H. Home, Medical, July , 38—40 A. Standen to Secretary to the Government, Revenue Department. Rev-agriculture, Economic-products. November , 8 B NAI. Kershaw to the Secretary, Government of India, 22 June For things-in-motion, see A. Appadurai ed. For commodity fetishism, see A. Quin to the Secretary, Government of India, 9 November Atkinson to the Secretary, Government of India, 1 February Hammick to Secretary, Government of India. Bourdillon to Secretary, Government of India. Home, Medical, July For an insightful intellectual history, see M. See also, M. On the early history of parasitology and its interactions with the medical knowledge of diseases, see for example, J. Rosenberg and J. Golden eds. For a magisterial survey W. See correspondence from the Secretary of State for India, No. While commenting on these historical specificities which shaped medical knowledge about mosquitoes around the s, this chapter adopts an approach that is different from those evident in the important works of environmental historians like J. London: Longmans, Green, Ross, Mosquito Brigades , 69; For greater detail, see N. Western and S. Horsfield and F. East India Company London: W. Allen, Holt, Why Not Eat Insects? London: Field and Tuer, , 36— Srivastava ed. For details about the use of the aquatic plant Azolla for the killing of mosquitoes, see Home, Medical, June , — A; for colonial requisition for a consignment of a fish called Millions see Home, Sanitary, — A, July ; see also Rev-agriculture, Agriculture, September , 3—5 A NAI. Ross, Mosquito Brigades , See for instance, T. Dasgupta ed. See, W. On the persistence of neo-Hippocratic ideas in other contexts, see M. Osborne and R. Leslie to Secretary to the Government of India, No. Home, Sanitary, May , — A; A. Chaplin to L. Kershaw, 29 November Zwierlein ed. For more on the imagination of parasites in Victorian culture, see J. Quoted in J. Tuson to the Secretary to the Government of India, 13 October Stephens and S. See also A. Breckenridge and P. Van der Veer, eds. Franklin to Secretary, Government of India, 15 December Home, Medical, March , 38—39 A; L. Surgeon O. Innes, Letter dated 17—02—10 and A. G—, 12 August , Port Blair. Hamilton to the Secretary to the Government of India, 18 March Unpublished manuscript. MSS Eur. King to the Commissioner Lahore Division, 8 November For repair and maintenance See, B. Laura Stoler and F. Cooper eds. On how regimes of governmentality and nonhuman agency enable one another, see P. On the theme of co-constitution: See F. Kirsch and D. Monographs, or book chapters, which are outputs of Wellcome Trust funding have been made freely available as part of the Wellcome Trust's open access policy. Turn recording back on. Help Accessibility Careers. Show details Deb Roy R. Search term. Figure 5. Policing Purity In establishing new distribution networks, the government was keen to police against the possibility of corruption of the purity of quinine. Countable and the Accountable The emergence of mosquitoes to prominence in the vocabulary of public health administration altered considerably the meaning of the word malaria. Conclusion A colonial consumer field for an overabundant drug was produced by imperial regimes in British India in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Rev-agriculture, Economic-products, April , 10—12 C. Noel-Paton, Ibid. Jones, Mosquito London: Reaktion Books, In this Page. Other titles in this collection. Recent Activity. Clear Turn Off Turn On. Follow NCBI.

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