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Contact us. Your newsletters. As part of a Hollywood dynasty — her father was the 70s film star Jon Voight — she seemed in her youth to feel entitled to erratic and self-indulgent behaviour. By , her publicists decided that her wild image had got out of hand. So when Jolie was filming her blockbuster Lara Croft: Tomb Raider , shot at the Angkor Wat temple in Cambodia, one of her publicity team suggested the film star should visit a refugee camp in the war-ravaged country. The shock of what she saw in that camp made her contact the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees when she got home to find out what she could do about the conditions of the displaced people she had met. A few months later she returned to Cambodia to spend two weeks in the camps. Jolie was generous with her money, but she was more generous with her time. She began to visit refugee camps all across the world. Cynical UN staff, who had bet with one another about how much luggage she would bring, were surprised by her determination not only to travel and live as they did but also on her insistence on paying her own way. Over the next two decades she made nearly 60 visits to 30 countries, donating millions of dollars of her own money. Now I take that punk in me to Washington, and I fight for something important. In Arizona she visited detained migrants who had illegally crossed the border from Mexico. In response to what she saw, she paid for a free legal-aid system for asylum-seeker children ; it is now the principal provider of pro bono lawyers for immigrant children in the US. But what moved it into a different gear was the activity of an Irish rock star. In Bob Geldof was at home in his Chelsea townhouse watching the television news when a report came on from Ethiopia. A devastating famine had gripped the land and countless numbers of people were dying. The nation was shocked. So was Geldof. He telephoned all his fellow pop stars to ask them to appear on a charity record to raise funds for famine relief. There was more to Live Aid than fundraising. As Geldof began to enquire into how the money should be spent, he embarked on a trip across Africa and invited me — then The Times correspondent in Ethiopia — to accompany him. All across the continent we found nations in huge debt to international organisations and Western banks. For every pound donated in aid, 10 times as much was leaving Africa in loan repayments. Geldof gradually became involved in campaigning for more aid, debt relief and fairer terms of trade for the nations of Africa. A decade later Bono, the lead singer of U2, began to quiz Geldof on the origins and mechanics of global poverty. Bono, a Christian, had begun to take an interest in Jubilee , a campaign being promoted by a group of British church activists, which pressed for the cancellation of the massive swathes of Third World debt. Together with the activist Jamie Drummond, he and Geldof later set up an anti-poverty advocacy organisation called Data — Debt, Aids, Trade, Africa — and knowing it needed political heft and it needed funding, Bono approached Bill Gates for help. Shortly after that initial meeting the Gates Foundation made its first contribution to Data, the first donation of tens of millions of dollars. Bono also persuaded another billionaire philanthropist, George Soros, to support the fledgling group. Two years later Data morphed into One , a grassroots organisation with nine million members which is now one of the most authoritative lobbying bodies in the development world. The outcome was widely praised. Bono was not deterred. Helms welled up. Geldof is unrepentant at his work. After two decades as the quintessential campaigner, he had ceased to ask for the ideal and settled for the politically possible. It was on similar grounds of realpolitik that Olly Buston, the former European director of Data, defended celebrity philanthropy in The Hague in The new interface between politics and philanthropy is complex. Celebrities are unelected, the left says, so what gives them the right to impose their own views? The response to that of the philanthropic activists is once again pragmatic. What is needed now is a new generation of celebrity activists, says Drummond, who has worked with Bono and Geldof for over two decades. Figures including Greta Thunberg and Malala Yousafzai emphasise different areas of activism — such as education for girls and concern over climate change. We also need to hear far more from a new generation of global stars. Bono had chastised politicians for failing adequately to fund anti-poverty efforts in Africa, critics said, but U2 has carefully minimised its finances to avoid paying the very taxes Western governments need to help poor nations. Bono himself, who still lives much of the time in his native Dublin, has declined to wave off this critique, but he remains unruffled by opponents of celebrity philanthropy. But rebelling against what? In the 50s it was sexual mores and double standards. In the 60s it was the Vietnam War and racial and social inequality. Sat 14 Sept Log In. Most Read By Subscribers.
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Tony Blair insisted yesterday that he could persuade President Bush to agree for the first time to a global target for a 'substantial cut' in greenhouse gases within a framework sanctioned by the United Nations. In an interview with the Guardian on the eve of the G8 summit, the prime minister said both elusive goals were now achievable and that America was 'on the move' in its position on climate change. Although Mr Blair said it would take tough negotiations over the next three days and it was still unclear exactly what the president would agree to, he was sure Mr Bush's speech last week, in which he talked about establishing a US-led initiative to tackle global warming, was not a ploy to undermine the UN or the G8. On the other hand you then need to flesh out what it means. Contemplating leaving the summit without a deal, or at least the framework for one, he acknowledged: 'Failure is if there is not an agreement that leads to a global deal with substantial reduction in emissions at the heart of it. The prime minister said he had been working closely with Germany's chancellor, Angela Merkel, and President Bush to secure agreement. But his officials admitted the leaders were expecting negotiations in Heiligendamm - over aid to Africa as well as climate change - to carry on until the end of the summit. I believe it is possible to get all that way. Mr Blair added: 'You could have a situation where this is agreed at the G8 - which is my preference - or you could see how it is agreed in principle, but you have to work out the details of it later. Speaking of his experience over three years to get an international agreement on climate change, he said: 'The Americans do want to know that China and India are in the deal. One is that America will not sign up to a global deal unless China is in it and the second is that China will not sign up to a deal that impedes its economic progress. People can debate this up hill and down dale, but I am telling you these are the two political realities. Unless you get these key players together sitting round the table and agreed, you will float back into a Kyoto-style process which may end up with a treaty at the end of it but does not include the big emitters. It is sensible to get a core and build out. But anything that is agreed must feed into the UN process. He said the US was equally clear about this, a point confirmed by American environment officials in Berlin for talks. James Connaughton, a senior climate adviser to Mr Bush, said in Berlin yesterday that America was not attempting to torpedo the UN over climate change strategy. The US is a party to the UN's framework convention on climate change. That is the forum where we would take action together on climate change. Mr Blair said the next steps, which are unlikely to be agreed at this G8, are 'how to meet the global target, how different cap and trade systems can link up, how the developing world can have common but differentiated obligations, and how you set a proper carbon price that incentivises business'. The Americans have been sceptical about emission trading systems, arguing that they do not work in practice because the countries that overpollute can buy credits from other countries, so limiting the impact of any deal. He insisted that the Bush administration would follow though if it agreed a target. He said: 'If this administration signs up to a principle of a new deal, they are going to be signing up in circumstances where it actually intends to carry it through Congress and the Senate. Photograph: Dan Chung. This article is more than 17 years old. Reuse this content. Most viewed.
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