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In Puyo, central Ecuador, a youth studies at one of the few government facilities helping drug users. The murdered Ecuadorian presidential candidate Fernando Villavicencio was threatened by drug cartels for speaking out against organised crime. Ecuador has become a hub for the global drug trade, and addiction rates are soaring across the country. Share on Facebook Share on Twitter. Teenage drug users play games and sports to improve social and behavioural skills. The Puyo centre has 42 beds with separate wings to treat boys and men. Some of the teenagers, many from Indigenous communities, have been placed there by court order. Many joined gangs to escape violent families and found that cocaine, marijuana and pills were easy to come by. Adults at the centre receive job training to help them reintegrate into the workforce. Art is used to help them express their emotions and communicate more effectively. A therapy session at the centre. Patients receive regular group therapy and one-to-one sessions with a psychologist. Family members are encouraged to attend. One patient is a deputy headteacher who is on his fourth stay. He travels hundreds of miles to stay at the centre but does not want to be named because the school where he teaches is unaware of his drug problem. About half of all patients relapse within 30 days of leaving a treatment centre, and more than three-quarters relapse within the first year. This might be their only meal of the day. Bermeo, a psychiatrist, hands out information leaflets to drug users in Guayaquil. As well as food, Bermeo offers advice on where they can get help and how to reduce risks. Some street drugs have been found to contain rat poison, cement or quicklime. Bermeo believes people need to be taught from an early age how to resist the pressure to take drugs. Use in adolescents between 10 and 12 is experimental, so preventive activities must be carried out. Patients often volunteer to enter this clinic or are brought here by family. I wanted to lose weight because I had a complex … I started to use drugs to lose weight. Victor is a bricklayer in the capital, Quito. He is the seventh of eight siblings brought up in a violent home. His father was an alcoholic and an older brother died from a drug overdose. My earnings were enough for my bus fare to school. At 12, I started using cocaine paste base. She says Victor has run away from rehab centres. They treated him but then he ran away. Marco — pictured at home with his wife, Rosa, and daughter, Karina — started using drugs at seven. His mother died when he was eight and he was abandoned by his father. He lived on the streets until he was 25, and in was charged with drugs possession. Group exercise time at the Cetad centre, which opened two years ago and has since provided free medical and psychological help to more than 51, women in Guayaquil. Most women come from dysfunctional families, she says. Rizzo treats a patient at the Cetad centre. It touches me a lot. Topics Global development. Ecuador Americas Drugs Drugs trade. More galleries. Most popular.

Ecuador is hooked on dangerous drugs – and these are the victims

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Jump to navigation. Four massacres in three different supermax penitentiaries took the lives of over inmates in Cuenca, Latacunga, and Guayaquil. Forensic reports revealed dozens of beheadings and hundreds of mutilated bodies. After the riots, body parts and corpses were found scattered in hallways, courtyards, and cell blocks. The exact number of deaths was still unknown months after the mass killings. In the wake of these massacres, Ecuadorian human rights organizations have reported serious problems with the forensic human identification process, and journalists and scholars have decried the lack of official information and government accountability. Back in May , the government declared a crisis in the prison system, deployed military troops to maximum-security penitentiaries across the country, and replaced public servants with police personnel. Yet the official narrative characterizes these massacres as the result of a war between gangs working for Mexican cartels. According to the National Police, narco-organizations have taken control over Ecuadorian penitentiaries and are managing the drug business from behind bars. President Guillermo Lasso has also mobilized the gang war hypothesis to explain the latest surge in homicides and crime in large and medium-size cities, particularly in poor neighborhoods. The visual violence has been instrumental in advancing this narrative among the public. Gory mobile phone videos filmed by inmates during the massacres and circulated on social media showed gruesome scenes: a heart in the hands of a laughing prisoner, a beheaded body lying on top of a pile of burnt corpses, a stripped-naked inmate being murdered in a prison yard, and other disturbing images of cruelty and torture. Looking at the work of crime intelligence within Ecuadorian supermax prisons since helps complicate the official narrative, which is problematic at various levels. First, the cartel war theory puts the blame on prisoners and suggests narco-violence is exterior to Ecuador. Second, it neglects the multiple and diverse international crime networks coordinating cocaine smuggling routes. Third, it hides the prominent role of state agencies in reorganizing local cocaine markets. This exchange of crime intelligence for prison privileges grew into a feedback loop between the formation of prison gangs and the metrics of police success, specifically the number of cocaine seizures. I focus on Ecuadorian cocaine markets because, according to official numbers given to the press, cocaine hydrochloride represents Heroine interdiction only accounts for 0. E cuador did not have supermax prisons before Now the country has three of them—precisely the prisons where the killings happened. Until , the relocation of prisoners from one detention center to another was subjected to intense dialogues between inmates and prison wardens. The widespread commodification of prison space had the blessing of authorities through unspoken forms of corruption, even if it meant an inability to classify incarcerated populations according to offense or imprisonment status. This unit was put in place with five low- and mid-rank officers, whose job was basically to recruit informants among inmate populations to keep prison violence under control and generate crime intelligence. The information they gathered was related mostly to anti-narcotics investigations and cocaine seizures. By , there were over 50 police officers working full-time on prison intelligence across the country. They did not receive any formal training and operated without a clear legal framework. The instant messaging application WhatsApp was the most common communication channel between intelligence operatives and prison informants. In addition to mobile phones, anti-narcotics intelligence transactions included concessions with regards to inmate transfers. These informants, often relatively powerful inmates, took advantage of such privileges to self-segregate into cell blocks and gain more power among inmates. When the massacres took place last year, all three supermax penitentiaries where they happened were organized around this concept of crime intelligence and a paradoxical logic of exchange that juxtaposed the interests of drug trafficking and anti-narcotics policing. The paradox lies in how, through intelligence operations, prison gangs help destroy the market in order to become relevant in the cocaine business, and simultaneously, the police allow the growth of organized crime within penitentiaries in order to dismantle the cocaine market. This became a ticking bomb that, by , wound up transferring the entire prison administration to the Ecuadorian National Police when President Lasso appointed a police general as chief director of the national prison management system at the end of last year. According to police officials, 80 percent of homicides in the country are related to disputes over cocaine commercialization, and most recently , connections have been made between cocaine seizures and violent clashes between drug trafficking groups inside and outside prisons. In alone, the country registered over 1, murders , similar to historic record-highs seen only in the most violent times in Ecuador. In police parlance, the term territory refers to a chaotic space yet to be regulated and controlled, a zone of abandonment and unrest. A prison, a neighborhood, a port, or a city can be seen as a territory or as part of a territory. Territory is a spatial conceptualization of security and surveillance in a country with a militarized and centralized police structure. Territory is also a way of imagining the cocaine market as an edge space. Police, and the state by implication, know that abstract notions like supply and demand make little sense in commercial territories declared illegal. Cocaine markets are made of unstable associations and temporal connections. As an exit hub for cocaine destined for the U. Cocaine is the main product of a market with an increasing variety of services attached to it. This is why empowering prison gangs in exchange for anti-narcotics intelligence is counterproductive. It just incentivizes the proliferation of new paid logistical services, such as secured storage, which is exactly what inmate-informants have told the police. Although using prison intelligence to seize cocaine shipments increases police success rates, it also pushes the market toward innovation and violence. The state can attempt to transform that territory, depopulate it, or even close it down, but it can never erase it from the economic map. Ecuador is a frontier space for cocaine commerce connected to a global market in the making. A prison intelligence approach to the cocaine business makes the market brutally violent and turns entire neighborhoods into carceral spaces governed by a predatory logic of interdiction. The culture of suspicion and revenge that we, as a society, are now forced to live in did not develop in a void. The government needs to recognize the role of the state in the production of extreme violence to reorient both its prison policy and drug strategy. At this moment, a major concern should be how to stop the exchange of crime intelligence and prison privileges between police and inmates. As an anthropologist, he has conducted ethnographic research on banking and finance in Southern Europe and prisons, cocaine markets, and the war on drugs in Latin America. He is the lead designer of the digital platform EthnoData. Like this article? Support our work. D onate now. Search form Search. 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